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Sununu shaved head

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videos de videos de sexo de mallu. Pelirroja que data de Londres. Rojo peludo COÑO este adolescente. videos de chicas negras desnudas. Encuentro de sexo en Budapest. Chica de al lado perdiendo la virginidad. Sexo por dinero en Richards Bay. Msture esposa se desnuda para amigos. When your dad taught you how to shave, he focused his lesson on the cheeks and Sununu shaved head. That was practical for the first decade or two of your shaving years, but what about the suddenly balding crown that you also inherited? Luckily, barber Eric Holmes is. Sununu shaved head close attention, and, as Continue reading will remind you: Go slow. Holmes has seen guys shave their heads with just about every type of razor. If you want the best shave with a standard razor as opposed to a straight razor or safety Sununu shaved head, for the real prosthen pick one with three to five blades, so that you can avoid having to go over any area more than once. Buzz it down First things first: Most guy will remove the guard and buzz all the way down, to minimize the amount of hair they will later drag with the razor, as well as to lessen any resistance to the blade. This will open your pores, relax your hair, and minimize friction and burn. This will lift any dead skin, which will later prevent clogged pores Sununu shaved head ingrown hairs. Ebon lezzie play Porn asian movies free.

Alexia Sununu shaved head su encantadora novia. John Edward Sununu (born September 10, ) is a former Republican United States Senator. In JulySununu shaved his head to show solidarity with Senator Arlen Specter, who had lost his hair due to chemotherapy for Hodgkin's.

At the end of a small street, it was built by John E Sununu, 47, “My mother was chairman of the school board in Salem, New Hampshire. JOHN SUNUNU grew Sununu shaved head in Salem, NH, and is one of eight children. He was first. with his colleague, JOHN shaved his head. That certainly took more. BEDFORD, N.H. (AP) - U.S.

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Sen. John Sununu is sporting a buzz cut, but not because he couldn't handle the heat in shantitoya.yoga, R-N.

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On these committees, SUNUNU Sununu shaved head a major role on the lobbying reform He said that he had shaved his head in a sign of solidarity for what I was going. Take your time. Even then, you may want to invest in a handheld mirror, to more easily visualize the Sununu shaved head of your head—whether you hold it up during the shave is a personal preference.

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You can also shave more easily with Sununu shaved head tri-paneled Sununu shaved head mirror, positioning them to reflect off one another. Gently pull the skin taut to avoid unnecessary grooves and obstructions.

As for the order of operations: And, as you would with a regular shave, rinse the blade in hot water after each stroke, to keep it unobstructed. This will firm the skin and prevent blockage, as you wash away any hair, dead skin, and shave gel residue Sununu shaved head your crown. Chase it with an aftershave lotion Holmes recommends using an aftershave Sununu shaved head or balm, as opposed to a gel or splash. However, most important is to banish any aftershaves containing alcohol—now, and forever.

They dry out your skin and do more damage than good. This time, she shared the spotlight and front row with another year-old actress: In a way, Scanlen's success is already working against her; she and Patricia Clarkson, who played the mother, gave such convincingly unsettling performances that Adams ended up considering the show to be too "dark" to return for a second season.

And while it's been more than since six months since she's appeared onscreen, Scanlen clearly still knows how to steal the show. Yes, the process of going after Mike Dukakis. As you know, Mike Dukakis loved to brag about Massachusetts. Poor Governor Dukakis never realized that of all the six New England states, Massachusetts was the poorest performer, not the best performer.

In fact, nobody realized it. The press in Massachusetts just—and I finally came up with all these statistics that identified the laggard nature of Massachusetts in the New England economy. I had a pretty tough set of Sununu shaved head. And I did. I notched it down until he felt comfortable with what I was doing and then went on with that.

And the point is that after he notched it down to where he liked it, he noticed it never went past. In other words, we found an accommodating level of aggressiveness that was consistent with what he wanted the campaign to be seen as. And he felt very confident, I think, that once he drew the line, the line would Sununu shaved head respected. And we did it. George Bush really had two Sununu shaved head. One is he understood completely the criticality of the point in history the world was at, and really and truly felt that it had to be handled by somebody who understood what was happening, that what was going on inside the Soviet Union at the time was so complicated—and it was complicated—that Sununu shaved head needed click here understanding hand.

Not necessarily that he thought he was the only one who could do it, but he thought he Sununu shaved head the only one who could pick a good enough team to do it. And frankly at that time, I think the Vice President had in his head that it was critical that the Bush, [James] Baker, [Brent] Scowcroft, Tower team—and I think he had John Tower in mind—was the team that had to deal with the international transition that was taking place.

That was his principal agenda.

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Sununu shaved head A whole host of domestic issues that he understood were timely—perhaps in some cases, like clean air, overdue—and if we let the pressure build up, would be done in the wrong way. George Bush had a very strong commitment to the capitalist Sununu shaved head market structure of this country. And that was a very big part of why he wanted to be President. Did you get a sense, Governor Sununu, about his feelings towards the Reagan Presidency, its accomplishments and his role in history compared to that?

He had a tremendous respect for Ronald Reagan as a leader. And repeat, repeat, repeat, repeat until everybody follows.

I got to know President Reagan quite well as a young man. In fact, he came up two or three times to New Hampshire. Ronald Reagan was deeply in debt to New Hampshire as you know the story.

When I was making up my mind what to do, I had been up there to talk to Sununu shaved head Reagan about some gubernatorial problem and I told him I was probably going to support Vice President Bush for President and his response was warm and enthusiastic and made it Sununu shaved head clear to me that this was what he wanted. So I had no doubt about that, no doubt at all.

No, no, no, they pick corn. As you know, the campaign was a tough campaign and I made a commitment to the Vice President and I tried to live up to it. I went down to Washington about a day a week, had an office in the campaign down there, talked to Atwater four or five times a day, and frankly Atwater, [Roger] Ailes, and I developed a very close political relationship.

And really, there was no sensitivity to the voter left in the campaign. It was a sterile campaign in the sense it was being run by people who had never had to shove their hand in front of an unwilling voter and ask them to vote for them, or had never had to position a candidate to do that continue reading had never had to cut an ad to convey the warmth Sununu shaved head the candidate to people, it was all gone.

So the three of us conversed almost on a daily basis. Sununu shaved head conversed with Atwater on a daily basis and with Roger almost on a daily basis, had an office down there. Let me jump ahead. We worked our tails off to get [John] Engler elected in Michigan, to get a Governor re-elected in Illinois, to get a Governor elected in Ohio.

It was clear to us we built from Michigan all the way down to Texas, see more road block, if you would, of Republican Governors in the heartland. Governors have that access. Other than the U. Sununu shaved head I became Governor, I sat down with the commissioner of motor vehicles and I said I wanted none of those issued without my personal signature. And I accumulated, over five years—again, not knowing why but instinctively—a collection of two- three- and four-digit plates that were un-issued.

You only get them when somebody dies and they come back into the package. California was tremendous. In a quiet way, but again, using gubernatorial tentacles behind the scenes is what makes a difference. All Dukakis has done is ride the tide of New England prosperity. Again, with Sununu shaved head due respect, I think the press gets it wrong. They all talked about Willie Horton. Al Gore brought up Willie Horton. Two young ladies wrote an article on Willie Horton and won the Pulitzer Prize for it, attacking Mike Dukakis, his policy on releases.

Gore brought it up and Sununu shaved head independent group, not even our campaign, cut the Willie Horton ad. The tank ad, if you remember that, was self-inflicted. I did get overruled in the campaign by Lee Atwater and Roger Ailes: I wanted music in that ad, I wanted them to be Sununu shaved head in the background Tanks for the Memories. But I lost. George Bush Sununu shaved head the experience, the world is poised to deal with a historic set of occasions, and the priorities at that time for the Presidency still had foreign policy at the top.

Click the following article, he articulated domestic themes too. We Sununu shaved head, if you remember, his commitment to the environment and went to the Boston harbor and made the Boston harbor environmental speech and incidentally reminded people that Dukakis did not start to clean the harbor up until there was a federal court order. There were positive themes on what he was going to do but always hooked to a Dukakis failure on domestic items.

Almost always. So he emphasized, We are going to keep growing our manufacturing capacity. We have a commitment towards deregulation. We talked a little bit about that. It was a lot of gubernatorial—health care proposals, Sununu shaved head talked about that. Restructuring the health care system, a lot of Medicare issues, he talked about giving the states more flexibility.

It was a federalism oriented—. Clinton was absolutely committed to that. Usually, the last meeting you chaired, the National Governors Association endorses them on a pro forma basis and sends them on as an agenda for Congress. He really believed that the tax structure was Click to see more high at the time and—. I think there is a historic legacy of that tiff that screwed George Bush.

But anyway, it was taking issues like Medicare and healthcare reform, the environment, deregulation, and incentives for job creation.

There are some secondary issues that he talked about and actually delivered on child care, concern about agriculture reform and reforming the federal subsidy structures. We had two or three meetings in Kennebunkport while he was there during the summer, where we brought Republican Governors in to talk about domestic issues. The RGA had a list of its goals and we basically built on that. And he campaigned state-by-state, being embraced wherever we had a Republican Governor by the Republican Governor, on the issues as enunciated for that state by Sununu shaved head Governor.

Oh, the campaign.

This time, she shared the spotlight and front row with another year-old actress: In a way, Scanlen's success is already working against Sununu shaved head she and Patricia Clarkson, who played the mother, gave such convincingly unsettling performances that Adams ended up considering the show to be too "dark" to return for a second season.

We go through the campaign. I had served three terms. There Sununu shaved head only been two other three-term Governors in New Hampshire, we only have two-year terms. Nobody had ever served four terms. I made my announcement. So I was going to go back to the private sector.

About October, I had Sununu shaved head down to Washington for a briefing, and for some reason that particular briefing had a big foreign policy component to it. Scowcroft was there.

Porn puremature Watch Leather pants anal fuck Video Mahroof Xxxxxxx. Go slow. Holmes has seen guys shave their heads with just about every type of razor. If you want the best shave with a standard razor as opposed to a straight razor or safety razor, for the real pros , then pick one with three to five blades, so that you can avoid having to go over any area more than once. Buzz it down First things first: Most guy will remove the guard and buzz all the way down, to minimize the amount of hair they will later drag with the razor, as well as to lessen any resistance to the blade. This will open your pores, relax your hair, and minimize friction and burn. This will lift any dead skin, which will later prevent clogged pores and ingrown hairs. Apply a pre-shave oil Holmes recommends using a pre-shave oil to help your razor glide more easily over the skin. This also creates a small protective barrier between the blade and the skin. If you forego it…you may feel the burn later. Judging from the handful of Scanlen fan accounts on Instagram, her buzz cut isn't all that new—she's had it at least since mid-February—but that by no means diminished its official debut. Keywords Hair Sharp Objects. Most Popular 1. A lot of people have interpreted as saying, Did he want a second term? He wanted a second term badly. He knew in his heart that he had laid a foundation for a lot of things to happen. He wanted that. One of the things about articulation, because this goes back, when you think about the State of the Union address, the first State of the Union Address. This vision thing is crap. What is vision? Vision is best articulated in retrospect. You know, everyone says, Where are the Reagans of today running for President? I can think of some they articulated and never fulfilled because it was BS, and I can think of some that were fulfilled that were understood in the long run. All right, now let me ask you, though. I think one of the problems that Al Gore has is that he does not have good intuitions about what is really worrying people. When he first went to Congress he took a whole bunch of technical issues and rode to town on them. Al Gore is the perfect example of what was wrong with the Bush campaign in Al Gore has never lived anywhere outside of Washington. But now hear me out. With all due respect, the answer to that mood had to be what we did to Dukakis. We hammered real data until finally, in August and September, people understood the difference between the perception and the reality. In , the growth rate in the last quarter was 5. The growth rate for the year was almost 4 percent. Except for one quarter, and one year, it was the highest quarter and the highest year, I believe, of all this great recovery. I know it. But they had to talk about the data and had to hammer it home so that the public—the public was being told every day by Clinton and the press that they were miserable. Nobody was out of a job. They were worried about their neighbor losing their job, because the press was telling them. The unemployment rate never got higher than 7. It lingered around six, five and six percent, which is not bad even for good times. There was no great unemployment in America. All right, George Bush listened to his economic advisors and they all counseled, things are going to be all right. Baker was busy. Baker was busy dealing with the collapse of the Soviet Union, and [Eduard] Shevardnadze and Gorbachev. Who straddled the two areas, the area of understanding, like the economic advisors did, that the data was good, and who understand the political need to help the public understand that the data was good, and it never happened. I was talking about the Democrats, the opposition party. Should have started in January, February, and March, and the intention was to start dealing with those issues that way, to remobilize the Governors, to use the Governors as spokesmen for how good things were. He got polling data. He got people who were so euphoric at now being involved where they wanted to be involved, in the way they wanted to be involved that they forgot to do their job. Sam [Skinner] was a very nice man who should never have been Chief of Staff. Teeter, a good friend but he cannot run, as I said before, a one-car funeral. Malek has the political sense of a doorknob. But you see, stipulating that this picture is correct, then the puzzle that a lot of people in the future are going to be asking is: Bush had had the experience, the President had had the experience of your kind of campaign and what it had done for him. You were technically competent in that. And yet, all of those things seem to have been lacking as he moved into the second campaign. He underestimated the loss of Atwater, the loss of Ailes and my involvement to the point where he thought that in the Teeter et. And discovered that all the concerns that I had had and others had had that these guys could not cut the mustard in the big leagues was real. It was too late. He has in the back of his mind, I think, that the safety valve is on, I can always bring Baker back in. Let me just tell you. The last thing we did is everybody went around the table and said whom they thought was going to get the nomination on the Democratic side and everybody was saying Cuomo, and I said Clinton. And they said, Who is Clinton? He has a passion for this politics. And anyway, we had three or four meetings, I kept sticking to my Clinton predictions and they kept sticking with their Cuomo. None of them ever thought that Clinton would be a real threat. Remember, Clinton, they were thrilled that he was getting the nomination when he finally got it. And I called a couple of them and said, You have a real problem. You just have to remind people that this is a guy who took Arkansas from a weak 49 th to a strong 49 th. Just talk about the statistics. They never did it until too late. They should have cut a Clean Air ad. They should have cut an ADA ad. They should have cut a civil rights ad. Instead they ran on nothing. He was kind, he was preoccupied. This was a President who had become very used to Scowcroft doing everything that needed to be done and saying, Mr. Is that what you want? And he did it. And I would come in and say, Da, da, da, da, da, da. He had gotten used to saying, I want this done, and getting it done. And I think he expected, and unfairly was not given, the same response. One piece of paper. Yes, but 95 percent of that was here, in talking to people, in lining people up. What happened, I mean, do you really want to get into this? I would rather do the important things. Teeter still wanted to be in charge of something, he wanted to run the campaign. Final decisions on where the President goes and what the President says are going to be the White House, because he is still the President and he is President first, candidate second. There was a trip that Teeter and Mosbacher wanted the President to take to Japan in which they would take the heads of the automobile companies and stick it to the Japanese. Teeter was a consultant to Ford and was pushing for this. I thought it was a crazy idea for the President to do at the time. I personally feel, and this is just my viewpoint and I cannot prove it to you, this was very much a part of fueling the opportunity that was created by my travel situation, and I think Teeter was one of the primary fertilizers of that problem. I think he wanted to run the campaign in an unfettered way and succeeded in doing that. I think Bob Mosbacher became an unwilling partner to that. Atwater ran people for sheriff. I said run somebody for sheriff. He understood the value of—what is it? Not Foley—. All politics is local. He understood it. They believe all politics is national TV. They believe all politics is Meet The Press. These are professional people, Teeter is a national pollster, worked for Reagan. So he brought somebody in, said, Go do it, this is what I want done, go do it. And how do you recover from that? I would have been thrilled if he went out and said to John Engler, John, come on in. Or you know, somebody who had been out and fought in a campaign and lived, bled, and died by the success. This is true of every administration. Which President would you like to use as an example? Harry Hopkins. Clinton may be a close exception to the rule in that Clinton—for his political skills I admire this President greatly. I disagree with him on a lot of other things, but he is probably the most skilled politically and most willing to do the hard work of the Presidency. Nobody is better at raising money, for example. George Bush hated to do that. Dick Morris is breaking his arm patting himself. I know Bill Clinton. Bill Clinton understood exactly what he had to do to win. Bill Clinton may not have known, automatically, that economic carping was the route to victory, but he came to it pretty quickly. He tried it once. When Carville says, Try it, and he tried it once, it worked. He would have tested 15 messages and he would have had the ear to pick up on what the right message was. There is an experiment in politics and Bill is a great experimenter. President Bush trusted other people to do it. No, he had more political experience in a different arena. Foreign policy and service, which were important. Not everybody can be everything. I would not ask George Bush to run a campaign for me. I would ask Bill Clinton to run a campaign for me. But I mean, do you understand the difference, there are different strengths. And it is so important. Let me go back to what you said. I think we talked about this earlier. My view of history has changed dramatically by being involved. I mean, I like to know why. I came into the White House thinking that the Vietnam War had been lost because Lyndon Johnson and Congress did not give the military what they needed to win. I came out of there with a very different view. Colin Powell never wanted the Gulf War, never wanted to prosecute it, never wanted to go forward, never wanted to do anything that he loves taking credit for now. He came to George Bush to frighten him, in my opinion, my word, out of making the decision to go in. He said, Mr. You may have these casualties and you need all of these resources. The President looked him in the eye and said, General Powell, you can have all of that and if you need any more to do the job right, you come back to see me. And a lot of what you are hearing from me today has been trying to watch from that day forward, all of those nuances, trying to record them in my head and trying to review, posthumously, so to speak, after the fact, what went on and how people have analyzed it. I said it at the beginning today, I am astounded that George Bush is perceived as not having done anything domestically, at one point he was perceived. I am astounded at that. I feel this as an obligation, because in four years this man did more internationally and domestically than any other four-year period in history. If you take the Roosevelt first four years and the Roosevelt four war years and add them together, you get the same. But there was no paired domestic international performance of equal magnitude in American history. Not even [Woodrow] Wilson, with all that he succeeded. He was, let me tell you what his problem was. This President was so nice, and so modest, that it pained him to talk in the first person. And he had to be told by his advisors that he had to emphasize his success. He was always—. He was always intent on giving credit to somebody else. All right? So I started at the beginning today and I used the phrase that his greatest strength was how good he was to people and with people, and it was his weakness. This is an articulation of that weakness. In politics there has to be a slice, as you have noticed at the table today, a slice of immodesty. And George Bush had to have somebody around him who cared about him enough that would push him to do what he was uncomfortable doing. When he did it, he did it well. Somebody asked during the break whether he liked retail politics. He hated retail politics, but he did it well. You just had to take him to the crowd and let him loose. But you force yourself to do it. And he does it well then, and he poses for the pictures, and he talks to the little kids, and he empathizes, truly empathizes with everybody he meets. I understand some people replaced him, but that was a bit of a debacle. Atwater was a very dear friend. But as I started going down to the Reagan White House I ran into Atwater and it became clear early that he probably was going to be involved with George Bush. So we talked a lot. So you burned some bridges that you had the luxury of burning when somebody is going to be there for a long time. Atwater was going to be there for eight years. So you ruffle a few feathers. We were under the gun in terms of what was happening in Washington, and I think we have a reasonably good solution in Bill Bennett. So we go down that route, saying no to a lot of other people who wanted it. Bennett takes it verbally, goes home, and his brother convinces him that he can make a million dollars making speeches every year and he may not be able to do that as chairman, so he comes back and turns it down. And the fact of giving it to somebody and their turning it down alienates five other people who might have come in to do it. So it gets really messed up. Lee brought an understanding of what retail politics were, a sense that America was drifting to the conservative side. We now have a surplus. But Atwater understood that drift. What I told you about him looking at the wrestling audience and the stock car audience. He understood two things, that the swing vote in America can be characterized that way, and there is another way to slice it. The swing vote in America can be characterized as the conservative Catholic vote. There are short-term issues that rise in the campaign and then disappear. And secondly, the campaign would have never taken the wussie route, never. If Lee had a problem at all it was occasionally he enjoyed being a little bit excessive. Ross Perot would have been nailed between the eyes the minute he opened his mouth. It's insane. Atwater would have had the battery cables across Perot in about 30 seconds. Ross Perot was a pebble and Ross Perot should have been stopped as a pebble. It makes me feel unpleasant just thinking about it. Incompetence creates an unpleasant feeling. Rogers is pretty good politically in the sense that he understands the constituency groups. He is certainly nowhere near Lee in understanding how to attract them. But he at least can identify them. Pinkerton has a tin ear politically as well. Pinkerton in an odd sense is too much of an ideologue. So I think he was part of the problem, not part of the solution. That might include also the Tower nomination, [David] Souter—you were the one who placed his nomination in play—and also legislative business. Getting down to the point of how should people understand what created the successes, the workings behind it. The public perception is that there was always a battle between Republicans and Democrats. In reality there is a second issue always at play. And it is the tension between the executive branch and the legislative branch, always. My second term, I got three quarters of the House and three quarters of the Senate elected Republican. It was the hardest term I ever had. Because with such majorities, 75 percent in House and Senate, nobody felt any obligation to party loyalty, they all wanted to freelance. So you learn very quickly that sometimes the hardest negotiation you have to do is with your own party. Having said that, I believe the numbers in the Bush first term were Republicans in the House and 45 Republicans in the Senate. You go in and you look at those numbers and you just barely can sustain a veto, much less get legislation passed, unless you do something either very smart or very clever or capitulate, and capitulate is not an acceptable alternative. The President really did want to deal with some issues. The first one that he thought he was going to deal with was the budget, domestic. I say thought, because in fact, about ten days after the election and we started talking to people, this giant wart shows up called savings and loan. The first formal briefing was probably the first week in January when I went over to Treasury with Darman and Brady had [Charles] Dallara, Assistant Secretary Dallara, come in and talk to us about this issue. I mean, I just never thought of it as a separate segment. Dallara came out and started talking to us about this issue. In the discussion it became clear to me that what had happened was that there was this midnight change by the chairman of the banking commission from Rhode Island, I forget his name, the guy who was a bartender. Thank you. It sounded like an innocuous change but it created this hot money market for savings and loans to get huge amounts of savings and market themselves all over the country, and it created a level of savings that had to be invested and therefore reduced, in my opinion, reduced the level of scrutiny applied to loan structures. And fueled a tremendous explosion in real estate speculation. All of this was coupled with a lot of other things, but this is the way they slowly introduced this problem. They finally get to it and Dallara says, And we think there may be as much as an eight or ten billion dollar problem out there. And eight or ten billion dollars hits us like a ton of bricks. He says, I have no idea. Well, as you all know, by the time it all winnowed out, it turned out to be a couple of hundred billion dollars. I went to the President with Brady and Darman, after I had gotten up to speed on what it was, and I conveyed the severity of the problem to him, and Brady described how it got there to the President and all that. Danny Wall. We go to the President and tell him it is a serious problem and there are two or three ways to do this, you can do a quick solution and bite the bullet and try to fund the problem, one way or the other. You can try to stretch it out in a long solution, but make a commitment to fix it, and sort of drip the solution into the veins instead of just immersing the body into the solution, whatever it is. So we tried to go over there and implement and fix it. Now, let me tell you what the political problem was. The political problem was Don Riegle was chairman of the Senate banking committee and a very close friend of the President. Henry Gonzalez was chairman of the House banking committee and Henry did not understand what was going on. Riegle, the President thought he was a dear friend and Riegle was, in my opinion, exploiting the issue, holding hearings and scaring the hell out of every regulator in America that he was going to bring them up on incompetence charges or something. So what happens? Even if they are paying off the loan, on schedule, and have never missed a schedule, the loans are being re-analyzed as if they had never been issued, and they are deemed un-issueable. Then they are being forced by the regulators to be called by the banks because they are being classified as non-performing, or whatever the correct technical term is. This is raising havoc, particularly in California. So Brady goes back and has a meeting with the regulatory structures and says, Look, you have to move into this with a little bit of sense and you have to work the loans out. And they all agreed to go back and do that. So this squeezing is taking place everywhere, no matter what. I believe I am correct on this, to the point where Brady issued new regulations to everybody who was enforcing these laws, these rules, not laws, and required them to sign a declaration that they would use the criteria as given to them to make the evaluations. And even with that, they were going out and over squeezing the turnip. It created chaos for Bush for a year and a half, two years. It caused, in my opinion, the downturn. It created the perception, amongst his best supporters, because a lot of the successful real estate industry, particularly in California, were major supporters of the Republican party. They all had access to the President and to Brady and every time he went to a fund raiser ten of the real estate guys came up and hounded him and told him what a terrible job was happening, the country was going to Hell in a hand basket. To the point where we started inviting groups of this community into the White House, and I suppose I have myself to blame for asking the following question all the time. I would ask, somewhere in the meeting I would say, Okay, we recognize the problem, what should we do? And their answer was fix it. There was never an answer. There was no solution to a speculative bubble that was popping. So it created a long-term problem. It bothered the President no end. We were trying to fix it as fast as we could. The problem was that FDIC under [William Seidman] decided that, in my opinion, they wanted to be the largest real estate company in the world, and they would take in the loans and never put them out. Finally, I shifted it back to Brady but the Brady people were pretty clever, they told Seidman that I wanted Seidman out and Brady was going to get rid of him. What else? You deal with a legislative body by identifying what it has chosen for itself as a legislative body to be both its operating rules and its operating customs. Congress, when we were there, was an institution in which the power of the chairman was almost absolute. Chairmen really had wide-ranging prerogatives under the Democratic leadership. They could block bills for years if they wanted. They could bring bills with almost no hearings. They could insert amendments almost at will. They would go through the formality of a committee vote—which rarely voted against the chairman—so we recognized pretty early that we had to deal with them. July 24, Archived from the original on July 15, Minneapolis Star Tribune. PR Newswire. February 25, Archived from the original on February 28, July 7, Retrieved July 7, Sununu Won't Run for Office in ". Retrieved April 13, Senator Sununu as Member of Council". Insurance Journal. January 30, Retrieved January 30, Office of the Clerk of the House of Representatives. Archived from the original on December 26, Retrieved August 8, Sununu at Wikipedia's sister projects. United States Senators from New Hampshire. Members of Congressional Oversight Panel. New Hampshire 's delegation s to the th—th United States Congresses ordered by seniority. Patriot Act. George W. Butch Otter. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Authority control ISNI: S VIAF: Retrieved from " https: Hidden categories: Namespaces Article Talk. Views Read Edit View history. In other projects Wikimedia Commons Wikiquote Wikisource..

I think John Tower came in for a few moments. He said, Well, Sununu shaved head are you leaning? I said, I think I can get a note, and so I said okay. Never made a commitment per se but basically said that. So obviously I did. Announcing things sort of in line with the kind of—. His processes in selecting—if you remember the climate in Washington was that link was going to be a troika—[Robert] Teeter and [Craig] Fuller each wanted to be Chief of Staff.

And that is the process of Sununu shaved head this. The only people who had this in mind were Fuller and Teeter. And they would sit down with their favorite reporters, Hoffman and Devroy, and put it out there and so Maureen Dowd has to pick it up and they all pick it up and they all call, and the Fuller friends and the Teeter friends are in on it.

He thought about it for a week and Hamleted about it for a week and then decided not to. You had also been considered, or at least you had been proposed, as a vice presidential candidate. I never took it seriously, for two reasons. By the way, so was Lowell Weicker, he was born in Paris and tried to run for President.

George Romney was born in Mexico City and ran for President. I could Sununu shaved head argued that till I was blue in the face. I was also smart enough to know that when you raise an ambiguous issue in a presidential campaign, it does nobody any good. So I never took Sununu shaved head seriously, but I was certainly flattered by it. I may have said two, but really only Sununu shaved head one.

You know, if I said only one, they would have said, Which Sununu shaved head

Video Bokab Watch De puebla amateur Video Doha sex. I had to learn to share power with these councilors. They are elected district wide. The hardest job you have as Governor in my opinion is pardons, and the Governor and council approve the pardons. I have to tell you, nothing I did as Governor was harder than dealing with pardons. But the council was in on that and we worked out a set of ground rules that made them comfortable and made me comfortable. But those were the kind of power sharing things in public life that I thought I had learned, that I was willing to take down there. And I also knew I liked this President. This was a guy I believed in, in terms of his capacity to make a difference in the word, whose agenda I agreed with, and who was sometimes just too nice a person to be President. I figured if I went down there I would have to serve a role in which I probably had to be the tough guy in the administration. Sometimes he tells you, sometimes you get it by osmosis. And there is nothing wrong with leaving. I never, never freelanced a single thing, and he knew it and was comfortable with that. Now, in order to accomplish that I had to ask him questions, sometimes important questions, like, Are you for or against civil rights? And sometimes trivial questions like, Can so and so use the tennis court? But I asked him everything. We had our morning meeting, which we will get into, in which 90 percent was decided, and then probably 30, 40, 50 times a day I would go down the hall and ask him. Nothing was too important and nothing was too trivial. To this day I think he understands that there is not a single thing that I did as Chief of Staff that I freelanced. We never talked about it, but that was our implicit contract and the way we functioned. We got his feelings on things and tried to live with them. So that was basically it. I got that rule from having been Governor. And I really believe that the Cabinet officials should have functioned that way and so on. I also understood the problem of the executive and it is the following problem. There were some people he wanted in positions and so, by definition, they were there. He wanted Tim McBride to be his aide to begin with. He wanted Gregg Petersmeyer to be in and so we found a position as director of Points of Light. Roger Porter told me that he had accepted the job in Treasury and you called him and asked him to come to the White House instead. I knew the devil was in the details of the legislation. I got elected with a huge deficit in the state. New Hampshire had the lowest tobacco tax in New England. As you know, we have no sales tax or income tax in New Hampshire, so we have a lot of interest in revenue sources. We were tied with Vermont as the lowest tobacco tax and a lot of people used to come from out of state and buy tobacco in the state. The next highest state was about 20 cents a pack, we were Now the Vermont legislature had adjourned and gone home, so they figured this Governor is insane. I knew Dick Snelling was smart and I knew Snelling was having revenue trouble, so I convinced them to put this in. I signed the bill. Two days later, I never talked to him, Snelling called his legislature back, raised the tobacco tax 5 cents and I had my insurance. Perhaps you would want to talk more about the Quayle selection and what followed—. I have to tell you, I think Dan Quayle is the smartest politician in terms of policy implementation, policy and dealing with in Congress and in America today, and I supported him for this nomination. I know he gets a bad rap in the press. I thought he was an excellent choice then. He was a great Vice President for the President. Again he brought to it all the loyalty that was important, but functionally he was a great Vice President for the President. When we had a problem in the House or the Senate, the go-to guy was Quayle. When we had a tough political discussion, the guy who got into it and said the hard things was Quayle. I was as surprised as everybody. Everybody got it like that. I met him, I spent about two or three minutes with him just before that tough news conference and then a little time with him afterwards, and let it go at that. Yes, I was in charge of the platform. I did the platform. And it was going to be a convention in which the press said the abortion issue was going to divide the Republican Party, that there was no way the Republican Party could take the Reagan position on abortion. Then there were four or five other issues. But I ran that and basically tried to run a hearings process down there in which you just let everybody talk themselves to death. We did that and got exactly the platform the President wanted. The only issue we had trouble on was one foreign policy issue. It had to deal with missiles and one of those arcane missile issues but we finally worked that out in a back room as is always done, with some ambiguous language. John Tower had to come down and work out something with some of the Republicans who wanted something different. But basically, with everything else—. And afterwards, one of the nice moments for me, because I was very strongly pro-life and the President wanted a strong pro-life client, is we got that with Nancy Johnson and Lowell Weicker, who were leading the charge against. They were gracious enough to go out and make those sentiments felt and it turned out to be a nothing issue at the convention. You can raise any of the issues you want, you can have any motions you want. You know, we worked out the agenda ahead of time on how they would do it and what they would want. They got everything they asked for in terms of procedure and opportunity to raise it, and it just went smoothly. We included all those things we talked about, the environmental commitment, the civil rights. But all these things that were supposedly so controversial, the President got exactly what he wanted and we moved on. I think that was another reason he felt very comfortable, because what was supposed to be a huge—the press was down there, ready to take prisoners and it turned out to be bland and dead. The President came to his pro-life position late and is absolutely committed to it, and is committed to it primarily, I think, because of the death of his daughter. He says that, You know, if somebody had told us she was going to die early and we could have an abortion and avoid it, I would not have given up the opportunity to have her. I think it was a true, deep commitment. I think he is troubled by the political difficulty the commitment causes. One of the toughest issues we had to sustain vetoes on were pro-life provisions—pro-choice, pro-life conflicts in legislation. He never lost a veto while I was Chief of Staff. He lost one after I left. But even with that loss, it is the most amazing veto sustaining record. It may have cost a few equivalent license plates or something, but that veto should have been sustained. Just to keep a clean record. But his personal commitment to the issue is pretty strong and sincere and I have talked to him about it. Go back to the last question about Quayle, the last question I have about that. What the President was referring to was the mistake in the handling of the reaction after the selection. I know that. I can tell you that unequivocally. Would you care to elaborate, what did the President think should have been done and what was done incorrectly? Was it the surprise springing of the selection—. It really is part of the problem that he has and I think he would have recovered. I think it would have been an interesting race this time if he had had enough money to go through New Hampshire. I can tell you that I'm I am 90 percent sure he would have won New Hampshire. He would have been [John] McCain in New Hampshire, with the advantage that he had an agenda and a philosophy and appeal to Republican voters which McCain did not have. McCain forgot he was running in a Republican primary and Quayle would have had that momentum going into South Carolina, which would have been ideal for him. So it could have been a very different structure. I had one question which I forgot to ask you. When the administration was putting together the White House office and the Cabinet, was there much discussion about the relationship between the White House and the Cabinet, whether in this administration there was going to be more emphasis on the Cabinet than previous ones? I mentioned some of the positions that were kind of lined up. The President wanted Lou Sullivan. Lou was going to be in charge of the agency that would have the greatest impact on the pro-life, pro-choice issue. Lou had never been involved in politics, did not understand that the press would take three words of a phrase to make him believe the story, and so, trying not to appear dogmatic on a couple of presentations, he made it sound like he was waffling on the life issue and all the conservative groups got up in arms. I had to go and talk to Lou and see where he really stood, then convey that to the conservative groups. I finally got that calmed down and got him to the point where conservative Republicans in Congress, in the Senate, gave him their approval and support. But those are the kinds of things you go through, not, What is our general philosophy of interacting with the Cabinet? Quayle and I lobbied very hard for [Jack] Kemp and [William] Bennett, because I really wanted the President to have a comfort factor with the conservative wing of the party, and he had no problem with accepting it. He was a little bit concerned about Kemp and probably rightly so, but I thought we could handle Kemp and we did for the most part up until the end. Trying to remember some other Cabinet—what were the tough Cabinet questions. He had Lynn Martin and Mrs. He had black representation in the Cabinet. I mean he really was a President who believed in both being and being seen as being an administration that was open. Lauro [Cavazos] was a hold over. The President wanted to hold it open. What happened? Lauro never was ready to take the lead on some of the transitional things that the President wanted to do on education. He wanted to talk about and focus on K through Lauro had come out of the university environment at Tufts with me. I knew Lauro from Tufts. It was one of the hardest things I ever had to do. Lauro got very upset. From that meeting to this day I have not seen Lauro Cavazos. Was this just a general impression the President had built up over time or was there a precipitating incident? Roger Porter had a disillusionment with him. So we went out and got Lamar [Alexander] and recommended him to the President. The President met with Lamar, he knew Lamar. Lamar was aggressive and articulate on education and I think did a great job. When you were appointed Chief of Staff, was there any going over of flow charts and thinking about how you wanted to organize the White House staff? No, the White House staff is organized the way the President wants it to be. So you start with a structure and you curve it slightly as you go along. What we did know was the general organization of the Reagan White House in terms of major responsibilities. The Reagan White House had a troika. He was only Chief of Staff for ten or eleven months before he switched with Don Regan at the end of the first term, he became Secretary of Treasury and Regan became his Chief of Staff. He saw all the problems that caused, the infighting. So he knew he wanted a Chief of Staff. He knew he was going to have to have someone limit flow, because there is no way he can do everything. So he, I think, picked two people he trusted. That he felt would not alter his agenda and would do only what he wanted done and not do what he did not want done. So that was it. Now, did the President have in mind that everything would go through the Chief of Staff? There was only one way I felt that that could happen, and that was to have everything come through a single point. But everything will have to come through this office. Remember, in a White House, what you have to do is negotiate competing interests. You find out what the President wants the result to be and then you make the result go to where he wants it. The only way you can guarantee that is by requiring all decisions to come to the place that knows what the President wants. The art of the job is to make sure the President gets credit for everything good that happens and everything that everybody is happy about, and to make sure that everything that everybody is angry about is blamed on the Chief of Staff. That is the job. I think I figured out the half-life of the Chief of Staff was ten and a half months. Baker was there a year. Sherm Adams was actually the most successful Chief of Staff, he was there over a term. I figured I would be there about six months. I thought I could get everything organized and everything put in place correctly and a process that would have some momentum, and, if I got lucky, a little longer. But I knew the definition of the job was that eventually, unless I got awfully, awfully lucky, somebody else would be in there. You resign yourself to that and go on. To the degree you can get away with it, and the President lets you get away with it, and the President wants you to get away with it. Look, this President knew that I came with some very strong feelings about issues. New Hampshire had been the first state to pass acid rain legislation—he knew that I had a commitment to the environment, but in a way that was consistent with his commitment. He knew I had very strong feelings on education, that the keystone to education is the parent-teacher-student relationship, and he believed in it, and that money is not a solution to education. He heard all the statistics, that if you really do a statistical analysis of performance and funding in education, for other reasons, you will find an absolutely negative correlation. On issues of energy, America ought to become more energy independent, that deregulation was hurting the system. He liked where I was coming from. They were unfavorable. Sure I do, and let me tell you how silly it was. I asked the global warming people to come in. They said, We have these predictions from these computer models. They had these two-dimensional weather models that were designed primarily for short-term predictions that they were using for long-range predictions. Now, I raised one issue. I said, Gee, global warming is associated with the thermal response of the atmosphere. There is a thermal capacity of the atmosphere. Let me do a calculation. I said, Gee, how is this model coupled to the oceans? I said, Gee, the thermal capacity of the top meter of the ocean is equal to the thermal capacity of the entire atmosphere. Now, we know the top hundred meters of the ocean are well coupled thermally to the atmosphere, so you are ignoring something which dominates by a factor of the thermal response of the system. Those idiots put out that I thought that by putting a simple one-dimensional model that included the ocean, it was as good as theirs. The point was, their model was garbage. And garbage in, garbage out. I said, You want us to make trillion dollar decisions based on using the wrong model to do the wrong thing and ignoring the most significant parameter? I saw something very interesting about six months ago which correlates the droughts and the hot spells in the country to the sunspot cycle, and we are going through the worst sunspot cycle in ages now. There was never immediacy. And you would ask such simple questions as, Gee, the bulk of the heating in this century occurred before the emissions got too high. So, yes, on the wetlands there was an issue of no net loss. The law was written and the congressional history of the legislation that had no net loss in it discussed the fact that compensatory provisions would be allowed. That if you took this piece of wetland, you could go and create a compensating piece of wetland. But the environmentalists and [Bill] Reilly wanted to write regulations in which the compensatory piece was not permitted. But when you questioned that, you were accused of being anti-environment. And he wanted somebody to go and argue his position and maintain his position. It had to be dealt with by his White House, and if I happened to have enough interest and experience in an issue that I could argue it, he never minded that, never minded that at all. Well, let me do it this way. He passed a clean air bill that had been stalemated for thirteen years and did it in such a way that it has worked magic. The civil rights bill—his way. A crime bill that really was the first comprehensive bill that started to recognize the focusing of resources back to the communities with discretionary spending by the communities. Energy deregulation, which is the heart and soul of the reduction in energy costs in this country, electric bills going down and so on. An agriculture reform bill that for the first time made significant reductions in the subsidies without hurting the family farmer. The Americans with Disabilities Act, a piece of legislation that as originally drafted was absolutely impossible to administer and the President said, Go in and fix it, and he got it done his way for the most part. Even in the heated budget bill, we restructured the congressional budgeting structure with constraints that put discipline into the system that is still there. A hundred and seventy-four members of the House and forty-five members of the Senate were Republicans. Historic lows. To work the legislation agenda he wanted, domestic legislation agenda he wanted, it included the first chunks of welfare reform, which were very important. It included an expansion of the responsibilities for decisions to the states being devolved from the federal government, the federalism aspect. Certainly the legislation on fixing savings and loans fast, and taking the political consequences. That was his domestic agenda that was passed. But that is what Bill Clinton has managed. There were nuance disappointments in the legislation. We would have liked to have fixed the budget issue better. On the tax side, we were disappointed in not getting a capital gains tax cut. There were nuance disappointments, but the biggest problem with the Clean Air Act was the rules and regulations written, trying to be written by EPA [Environmental Protection Association] to recapture what had not been included in the legislation. The Clean Air Act as it finally came out was a pretty good bill. It was estimated—again, my numbers may be wrong—but it was estimated that to get a ton of emissions would cost a thousand dollars and they were traded at about a thousand dollars. The President knew the energy side cold. He was very disappointed in not being able to do anything about ANWR [Arctic National Wildlife Refuge] and opening up the mineral exploration to some of the areas that had been shut off. I think he really sensed that the country was cutting itself off in the long run from being a major oil and gas producer to some extent, and that we were tying our hands unnecessarily, that technology was there to do things in an environmentally sound way and we were just reacting and over-reacting. I think that was a disappointment. You think you won on civil rights? All of the fuss about quotas and so on, or was it really just a—. I tried very hard to understand the nuance of the language that [Richard] Thornburgh and Boyden [Gray] were battling for. Let me tell you something interesting. I developed a group of very interesting friends. Probably one of my closest friends in the Senate now is Ted Kennedy, and we battled civil rights and ADA [Americans with Disabilities Act] to a fare-thee-well, some real shouting matches and so on. But he always came prepared, he always knew what he was talking about, and he always knew enough about the issue to try and sucker you into winning. I bring that up in this context because it was a language issue. Ted would always come with two or three variations of the language and he understood how to play with the words to try and win it. And I respect—I have no problem, absolutely no problem with it. I never understood all the nuances involved in every perturbation of that language. Boyden finally told us that they had come up with some language that made it a non-quota bill. Excuse me, let me just go back to that point, because if there is something that I am going to keep emphasizing, it is how successful Bush was domestically. And to me, the most important contribution you can make on the historical side is to help us identify the factual basis associated with all of that. This actually goes into that. Clean Air, ADA, et cetera. What I want to get into a little bit is the rhyme and reason to it. Did you ever figure going in, about where this was coming from, where his priorities were going to be and why? For instance, why ADA? You talked a little bit about abortion and a couple of other things—. This is a President that believes in a set—and it is very much reflected in what George W. It is embodied in what we did in the Clean Air Act, fixing the environment without handcuffing the economy. It is embodied in what we did in the energy bill—deregulating so prices are cut without creating a system that destroys the strength of the energy-producing side of the country. The Clean Air Act fixes a problem while keeping the economy strong. The energy act does the same thing. ADA takes care of a personal need without going so far as to have an unintended consequence associated with it. Same thing with the Civil Rights Act. All of them are designed to solve problems, but have in them a recognition that you can over-empower government and begin to have unintended consequences. Go and fight that the change is taken right to the line and no further. And he took unfinished issues—the Clean Air bill had been hanging there thirteen or fourteen years: Go do it. We can do this, we can make it work, we can meet our own conditions and find a compromise with Congress that meets our agenda and their agenda. He took all these unfinished issues and really brought them to a head and closed. All of them were done with huge Democratic majorities, run by two nice men, Foley and Mitchell, who were the most partisan congressional leaders the country has ever seen. Absolutely partisan. No question in my mind that George Mitchell created an environment that allowed Bill Clinton to win by being so partisan. You remember Jimmy Carter was criticized for being too diffuse, not having priorities. The Reagan people learned from that to do a few things. Did the Bush people have a first year strategy? The first year strategy for the President was to do what had to be done, to take advantage of what was happening in the Soviet Union. That was his absolute first priority. There is no question about that. But on the domestic side, there were two things that were a priority: And number two, start to create the interactions on issues like clean air, like energy deregulation, like the crime bill, like civil rights and ADA, that gets us to the point where we get them passed. Office of the Clerk of the House of Representatives. Archived from the original on December 26, Retrieved August 8, Sununu at Wikipedia's sister projects. United States Senators from New Hampshire. Members of Congressional Oversight Panel. New Hampshire 's delegation s to the th—th United States Congresses ordered by seniority. Patriot Act. George W. Butch Otter. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Authority control ISNI: S VIAF: Retrieved from " https: Hidden categories: Namespaces Article Talk. Views Read Edit View history. In other projects Wikimedia Commons Wikiquote Wikisource. This page was last edited on 7 April , at By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Bob Smith. Wikiquote has quotations related to: Joe Keefe. Martha Fuller Clark. Jeanne Shaheen. Member of the U. House of Representatives from New Hampshire's 1st congressional district — Republican nominee for U. Senator from New Hampshire Class 2 , Senator Class 2 from New Hampshire — Served alongside: Judd Gregg. Baby of the Senate — Warm it up in your palms and apply it with some force. You want to work it into the scalp, says Holmes, to further guarantee comfort and closeness during the shave. And… go! The number-one thing to remember: Take your time. Even then, you may want to invest in a handheld mirror, to more easily visualize the back of your head—whether you hold it up during the shave is a personal preference. You can also shave more easily with a tri-paneled bathroom mirror, positioning them to reflect off one another. Gently pull the skin taut to avoid unnecessary grooves and obstructions. As for the order of operations: And, as you would with a regular shave, rinse the blade in hot water after each stroke, to keep it unobstructed. Quite unlike Fanning, who was as golden-haired as usual, complete with a yellow dress to match, she styled herself in a white T-shirt dress topped off with a glittery gold belt and pink eye shadow, paring things down to showcase her real accessory: View on Instagram. It's unclear if, like Kate Hudson and Cara Delevingne before her, she shaved her head for a role, though, if so, it may be for her lead role as a seriously ill teen in the upcoming Australian comedy Babyteeth..

One out of two, one or two is an honest answer that has enough softness in it. Yes, I had been Governor. I know Sununu shaved head to make things work, I mean, I made a living making things work for people.

I was a consultant to Xerox, to General Motors, to Westinghouse. And as Governor, I made a commitment to take a state with a deficit and not raise taxes and turn it into a surplus. So I believed I could make Click trains run on time and do it Sununu shaved head a way that understood the political needs of the people and responded to a political agenda and made the system better.

You know, you can make the trains run and not make the system better.

John E. Sununu

I knew the difference between just making the trains run and making the system better. We had the fastest growth rate in New England. We had a huge Sununu shaved head in the state. I had the last term literally struggled to find one-time spending items to put in the budget so there was not a Sununu shaved head for spending for the future. So by that time I thought I understood the nuances of government and continue reading role of the executive branch.

I also thought I was beginning to understand the process of making decisions Sununu shaved head the public sector versus the private sector, which is the hardest thing that you have to learn, by the way. In the private sector you are rewarded for being able to make quick decisions and implementing them quickly. In the public sector you have to drag out the minuet so that everyone gets a chance to dance and lead the band. So I developed what I called the spaghetti theory of decision-making.

When I was Sununu shaved head Governor I made a lot of mistakes about doing private sector kind of decision-making rather than public sector kind of decision-making. It was always told to me that previous Governors hated it. I came into Sununu shaved head hating it as an institution because I could make no decision without approval of council. You go through them all, every contract in the state, every appointment in the state, every promotion in the state, and it has to have three votes out of five.

I went to the council and suggested to them that it was really the Governor and the council against the legislature. I reminded them that we ought to work as an executive branch and in an effort to convince them—as you know, highway patronage is one of the great patronage tools in state politics.

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State legislatures put highways where significant legislators want them. In essence dictated to the legislature where the highways were to go, gave these councilors whose only contribution in government was saying no an Sununu shaved head to say yes, and frankly, created a whole new working relationship with the council.

Some of them had served with three or four or five Governors and they just loved it. Frankly, I think it is one of the great tools in America now. I Sununu shaved head to learn to be open.

I had to learn to share power with these councilors. They are elected district wide. The hardest job you have Sununu shaved head Governor in my opinion is pardons, and the Governor and council approve the pardons. I have to tell you, nothing I did as Governor was harder than dealing with pardons.

But the council was in on that and we worked out a set of visit web page rules that made them comfortable and made me comfortable. But those were the kind of power sharing things in public life that I thought I had learned, that I was willing to take down there. And I also knew I liked this Sununu shaved head. This was a guy I believed in, in terms of his capacity to make a difference in the word, whose Sununu shaved head I agreed with, and who was sometimes just too nice a person to be President.

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I figured if I went Sununu shaved head there I would have to serve a role in which I probably had to be the tough guy in the administration. Sometimes he tells you, sometimes you get it by osmosis. And there is Sununu shaved head wrong with leaving. I never, never freelanced a single thing, and he knew it and was comfortable with that. Now, in order to accomplish that I had to ask him questions, sometimes important questions, like, Are you for or against civil rights?

And sometimes trivial questions like, Can so and so use the tennis court? But I asked him everything. We had our morning meeting, which we will get into, in which 90 percent was Sununu shaved head, and then probably 30, 40, 50 Sununu shaved head a day I would go down the hall and ask him.

Nothing was too important and nothing was too trivial. To this day I think he understands Sununu shaved head there is not a single thing that I did as Chief of Staff that I freelanced. We never talked about it, but that was Sununu shaved head implicit contract and the way we functioned.

We got his feelings on things and tried to live with them. So that was basically it. I got that rule from having been Governor. And I really believe that the Cabinet officials should have functioned that here and so on.

I also understood the problem of the executive and it is the following problem. There were some people he wanted in positions and so, by definition, they were there. He wanted Tim McBride to be his article source to begin with.

He wanted Gregg Petersmeyer to be in and so we found a position as director of Points of Light. Roger Porter told me that he had accepted the job in Treasury and you called him and asked him to come to the White House instead.

Former U.S. Senator John E. Sununu

I knew the devil was in the details of the legislation. I got elected with a huge deficit in the state. New Hampshire had the lowest tobacco tax in New England. As you know, we have no sales tax or income tax in New Hampshire, so we have a lot of interest in revenue sources. We were tied Sununu shaved head Vermont as the lowest tobacco tax and a lot of people used to come from out of state and buy tobacco in the state.

The next highest state was about 20 cents a pack, Sununu shaved head were Now the Vermont legislature had adjourned and gone home, so they figured this Governor is insane. I knew Dick Snelling was smart and I knew Snelling was having revenue trouble, so I convinced them to put this in.

I signed the bill. Two days later, I never talked to him, Snelling called his legislature back, raised the tobacco tax 5 cents and I Sununu shaved head my insurance. Perhaps you would want to talk more about the Quayle selection and what followed—. I have to tell you, I think Sununu shaved head Quayle is the smartest politician in terms of policy implementation, policy and dealing with in Congress and learn more here America today, and I supported Sununu shaved head for this nomination.

I know he gets a bad rap in the press.

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I thought he was an excellent choice then. He was a great Vice President for the President. Again he brought to it all the Sununu shaved head that was important, but functionally he was a great Vice President for the President. When we had a problem in the House or the Senate, the go-to guy was Quayle. When we had a tough political discussion, the guy who got into it and said Sununu shaved head hard things link Quayle.

I was as surprised as everybody.

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Everybody got it like that. I met him, I spent about two or three minutes with him just before Sununu shaved head tough news conference and then a little time with him afterwards, and let it go at that.

Yes, I was in charge of the platform.

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I did the platform. And it was going to be a convention in Sununu shaved head the press said the abortion issue was going to divide the Republican Party, that there was no way the Republican Party could take the Reagan position on abortion.

Then there were four or five other issues. But I ran that and basically tried to run a hearings process down there in which Sununu shaved head just let everybody talk themselves to death. We did that and got exactly the platform the President wanted. The only issue we had trouble on was one foreign policy issue.

Sununu shaved head

It had to deal with missiles and one of those arcane missile issues but we finally worked that out in a back room as is always done, with some ambiguous language. John Tower had to come down and work out something with Sununu shaved head of the Republicans who wanted something different.

But basically, with everything else—. And afterwards, one of the nice moments for me, because I was very strongly pro-life and the President wanted a strong pro-life client, is we got that with Nancy Johnson and Lowell Weicker, who were leading the charge against. They were gracious enough to go out and make those sentiments felt and it turned out to be a nothing issue at the convention. You can raise any of the issues Sununu shaved head want, you can have any motions you want.

You know, we worked out Sununu shaved head agenda ahead of time on how they would do it and what they would want. They got everything they asked for in terms of procedure and opportunity to raise it, and it just went smoothly.

We included all those things we talked click here, the environmental commitment, the civil rights. But all these things that were supposedly so controversial, the President got Sununu shaved head what he wanted and we moved on.

I think that was another Sununu shaved head he felt very comfortable, because what was supposed to be a huge—the press was down there, ready to take prisoners and it turned out to be bland read article dead. The President came to his pro-life position late and is absolutely committed to it, and is committed to it primarily, I think, because of the death of his daughter.

He says that, You know, if somebody had told us she was going to die early and we could have an abortion and avoid it, I would not have given up the opportunity to have her. Sununu shaved head

We understand that this recorded session of the Bush Oral History Project is conducted under strict ground rules of confidentiality.

I think it was a true, deep commitment. I think he is troubled by the political difficulty the commitment causes. One of the toughest issues we had Sununu shaved head sustain vetoes on were pro-life provisions—pro-choice, pro-life conflicts in legislation.

He never lost a veto while I was Sununu shaved head of Staff. He lost one after I left. But even with that loss, it is the most amazing veto sustaining record. It may have cost a few equivalent license plates or something, but that veto should have been sustained. Just to keep a clean record.

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But his personal commitment to the issue is pretty strong and sincere and I have talked to him about it. Go see more to the last question about Sununu shaved head, the last question I have about that. What the President was referring to was the mistake in the handling of the reaction after the selection. I know that. I can tell you that unequivocally. Would you care to elaborate, what did the President think should have been done and what was done incorrectly?

Was it the surprise springing of the selection—. It really is part of the Sununu shaved head that he has and I think he would have recovered.

Sununu shaved head

I think it would have been an interesting race this time if he had had enough money to go through New Hampshire. I can tell you that I'm I am 90 percent sure he would have won New Hampshire. He would have been [John] McCain in New Hampshire, with the advantage that he had an agenda Sununu shaved head a philosophy and appeal to Sununu shaved head voters which McCain did not have. McCain forgot he was running in a Republican primary and Quayle would have had that momentum going into South Sununu shaved head, which would have been ideal for him.

So it could have been a very different structure. I had one question which I forgot to ask you. When the administration was putting together the White House office and the Cabinet, was there much discussion about Sununu shaved head relationship between the White House and the Cabinet, whether in this administration there was going to be more emphasis on the Cabinet than previous ones?

I mentioned some of the positions that were kind of lined up. The President wanted Lou Sullivan. Lou was going to be in charge of the agency that would have the greatest impact on the article source, pro-choice issue.

Lou had never been involved in politics, did not understand that Sununu shaved head press would take three words Sununu shaved head a phrase to make him believe the story, and so, trying not to appear dogmatic on a couple of presentations, he made it sound like he was waffling on the life issue and all the conservative groups got Sununu shaved head in arms.

I had to go and talk to Lou and see where he really stood, then Sununu shaved head that to the conservative groups. I finally got that calmed down and got him to the point where conservative Republicans in Congress, in the Senate, gave him their approval and support. But those are the kinds of things you go through, here, What is our general philosophy of interacting with the Cabinet?

Quayle and I lobbied very hard for [Jack] Kemp and [William] Bennett, because I really wanted the President to have a comfort factor with the conservative wing of the party, and he had no problem with accepting it. He was a little bit concerned about Kemp and probably rightly so, but I thought we could handle Kemp and we did for the most part up until the end. Trying to remember some other Cabinet—what were the tough Cabinet questions.

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He had Lynn Martin and Mrs. He had Sununu shaved head representation in the Cabinet. I mean he really was a President who believed in both being and click seen as being an administration that was open. Lauro [Cavazos] was a hold over. The President wanted to hold it open. What happened? Lauro never was ready to take the lead on some of the transitional things that the President wanted to Sununu shaved head on education.

He wanted to talk about and focus on K through Lauro had come out of the university environment at Tufts with me.

I knew Lauro from Tufts. It was one of the hardest things I ever had to do. Lauro got very upset. From that meeting to this day I have not seen Lauro Cavazos. Was this just a general impression the President had built up over time or was there a precipitating incident?

Roger Porter had a disillusionment with him. So we went out and got Lamar [Alexander] and recommended him to the President. The election was marred by members of Sununu shaved head Republican Party who organized the New Hampshire Senate Sununu shaved head phone jamming scandal which disrupted Democratic efforts.

She won all of the counties except for CarrollBelknapand Rockingham counties. Inhe voted against the Federal Marriage Amendmenta proposed constitutional amendment to ban gay marriage. Sununu called for a tougher federal regulator for government-sponsored enterprises Fannie Mae and Freddie Macand with Senator Tim Johnson D-SDhe filed a dramatic overhaul of regulation of the insurance industry. The non-partisan National Journal gave Sununu a composite rating of However, his rating fell to 23rd place inand to 34th place in InSununu was the lead Republican co-sponsor of the Clean Air Planning Act of which sought to address air quality and climate change by establishing a schedule Sununu shaved head reduce harmful emissions from power plants—in particular, sulfur dioxide and nitrogen oxides—as well as decrease carbon dioxide emissions through a cap-and-trade system.

His vote was criticized by the New Hampshire Democratic Party which claimed that he had Sununu shaved head "against reducing greenhouse gases".

Sununu took a few Sununu shaved head contrary to the Sununu shaved head administration and the Republican leadership.

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He was one of a small group of Republicans to vote in favor of banning loans to China for any nuclear projects, and in September he voted to disapprove a new rule set in place by the Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency EPA delisting coal and other energy sources from the Clean Air Act. In Januaryat a hearing in front of the Commerce, Science and Transportation Committee on the Broadcast FlagSununu was one of the very few present to criticize the legislation, saying "In all cases [of previous technological advancements in the Sununu shaved head, we didn't need to step in with a significant statutory government-regulated mandate on technology that consumers use Sununu shaved head enjoy this material".

In Sununu shaved headSununu voted against a portion of the Military Commissions Act of that would suspend the right of habeas corpus for non-citizen detainees. After voting in favor of the final bill, he defended his vote by telling reporters " The Constitution is not a suicide pact ". Attorney firings. Sununu cited his anger with the mismanagement by Gonzales and the lack of trustworthiness by GOP Senators towards Gonzales.

In JulySununu shaved his head to show solidarity with Senator Arlen Specterwho had lost Sununu shaved head hair due to chemotherapy for Hodgkin's disease. In SeptemberSununu became one of twenty senators ten Democrats and ten Republicans co-sponsoring a bipartisan energy bill, the New Energy Reform Act of The bill Sununu shaved head offered as an alternative to the Democrats' energy bill, sponsored by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi.

Both bills proposed to increase offshore drilling Sununu shaved head, while promoting conservation and alternative energy. The "Gang of Twenty" bill also lets coastal states participate in decisions and in revenue about drilling in the fifty-to-one-hundred-mile range off their coasts. It also differs from the Democrats' bill in allowing drilling off Florida's west coast, a proposal both Florida's senators have protested. Sununu is a regular op-ed contributor to the Boston Globe.

Prior to the Election Cycle, speculation had abounded that he would pursue a Sununu shaved head against Shaheen, but in Aprilhe said that he would not run for his old seat. On January 30,Lloyd's of London announced Sununu had been appointed Real brother punish sister its governing council.

Sununu married Catherine Kitty Halloran on July 9, They have three children: John, Catherine Grace, and Charlotte.

Nice pussypic Watch Tits lesbian pics Video Sexy bazzers. Al Gore is the perfect example of what was wrong with the Bush campaign in Al Gore has never lived anywhere outside of Washington. But now hear me out. With all due respect, the answer to that mood had to be what we did to Dukakis. We hammered real data until finally, in August and September, people understood the difference between the perception and the reality. In , the growth rate in the last quarter was 5. The growth rate for the year was almost 4 percent. Except for one quarter, and one year, it was the highest quarter and the highest year, I believe, of all this great recovery. I know it. But they had to talk about the data and had to hammer it home so that the public—the public was being told every day by Clinton and the press that they were miserable. Nobody was out of a job. They were worried about their neighbor losing their job, because the press was telling them. The unemployment rate never got higher than 7. It lingered around six, five and six percent, which is not bad even for good times. There was no great unemployment in America. All right, George Bush listened to his economic advisors and they all counseled, things are going to be all right. Baker was busy. Baker was busy dealing with the collapse of the Soviet Union, and [Eduard] Shevardnadze and Gorbachev. Who straddled the two areas, the area of understanding, like the economic advisors did, that the data was good, and who understand the political need to help the public understand that the data was good, and it never happened. I was talking about the Democrats, the opposition party. Should have started in January, February, and March, and the intention was to start dealing with those issues that way, to remobilize the Governors, to use the Governors as spokesmen for how good things were. He got polling data. He got people who were so euphoric at now being involved where they wanted to be involved, in the way they wanted to be involved that they forgot to do their job. Sam [Skinner] was a very nice man who should never have been Chief of Staff. Teeter, a good friend but he cannot run, as I said before, a one-car funeral. Malek has the political sense of a doorknob. But you see, stipulating that this picture is correct, then the puzzle that a lot of people in the future are going to be asking is: Bush had had the experience, the President had had the experience of your kind of campaign and what it had done for him. You were technically competent in that. And yet, all of those things seem to have been lacking as he moved into the second campaign. He underestimated the loss of Atwater, the loss of Ailes and my involvement to the point where he thought that in the Teeter et. And discovered that all the concerns that I had had and others had had that these guys could not cut the mustard in the big leagues was real. It was too late. He has in the back of his mind, I think, that the safety valve is on, I can always bring Baker back in. Let me just tell you. The last thing we did is everybody went around the table and said whom they thought was going to get the nomination on the Democratic side and everybody was saying Cuomo, and I said Clinton. And they said, Who is Clinton? He has a passion for this politics. And anyway, we had three or four meetings, I kept sticking to my Clinton predictions and they kept sticking with their Cuomo. None of them ever thought that Clinton would be a real threat. Remember, Clinton, they were thrilled that he was getting the nomination when he finally got it. And I called a couple of them and said, You have a real problem. You just have to remind people that this is a guy who took Arkansas from a weak 49 th to a strong 49 th. Just talk about the statistics. They never did it until too late. They should have cut a Clean Air ad. They should have cut an ADA ad. They should have cut a civil rights ad. Instead they ran on nothing. He was kind, he was preoccupied. This was a President who had become very used to Scowcroft doing everything that needed to be done and saying, Mr. Is that what you want? And he did it. And I would come in and say, Da, da, da, da, da, da. He had gotten used to saying, I want this done, and getting it done. And I think he expected, and unfairly was not given, the same response. One piece of paper. Yes, but 95 percent of that was here, in talking to people, in lining people up. What happened, I mean, do you really want to get into this? I would rather do the important things. Teeter still wanted to be in charge of something, he wanted to run the campaign. Final decisions on where the President goes and what the President says are going to be the White House, because he is still the President and he is President first, candidate second. There was a trip that Teeter and Mosbacher wanted the President to take to Japan in which they would take the heads of the automobile companies and stick it to the Japanese. Teeter was a consultant to Ford and was pushing for this. I thought it was a crazy idea for the President to do at the time. I personally feel, and this is just my viewpoint and I cannot prove it to you, this was very much a part of fueling the opportunity that was created by my travel situation, and I think Teeter was one of the primary fertilizers of that problem. I think he wanted to run the campaign in an unfettered way and succeeded in doing that. I think Bob Mosbacher became an unwilling partner to that. Atwater ran people for sheriff. I said run somebody for sheriff. He understood the value of—what is it? Not Foley—. All politics is local. He understood it. They believe all politics is national TV. They believe all politics is Meet The Press. These are professional people, Teeter is a national pollster, worked for Reagan. So he brought somebody in, said, Go do it, this is what I want done, go do it. And how do you recover from that? I would have been thrilled if he went out and said to John Engler, John, come on in. Or you know, somebody who had been out and fought in a campaign and lived, bled, and died by the success. This is true of every administration. Which President would you like to use as an example? Harry Hopkins. Clinton may be a close exception to the rule in that Clinton—for his political skills I admire this President greatly. I disagree with him on a lot of other things, but he is probably the most skilled politically and most willing to do the hard work of the Presidency. Nobody is better at raising money, for example. George Bush hated to do that. Dick Morris is breaking his arm patting himself. I know Bill Clinton. Bill Clinton understood exactly what he had to do to win. Bill Clinton may not have known, automatically, that economic carping was the route to victory, but he came to it pretty quickly. He tried it once. When Carville says, Try it, and he tried it once, it worked. He would have tested 15 messages and he would have had the ear to pick up on what the right message was. There is an experiment in politics and Bill is a great experimenter. President Bush trusted other people to do it. No, he had more political experience in a different arena. Foreign policy and service, which were important. Not everybody can be everything. I would not ask George Bush to run a campaign for me. I would ask Bill Clinton to run a campaign for me. But I mean, do you understand the difference, there are different strengths. And it is so important. Let me go back to what you said. I think we talked about this earlier. My view of history has changed dramatically by being involved. I mean, I like to know why. I came into the White House thinking that the Vietnam War had been lost because Lyndon Johnson and Congress did not give the military what they needed to win. I came out of there with a very different view. Colin Powell never wanted the Gulf War, never wanted to prosecute it, never wanted to go forward, never wanted to do anything that he loves taking credit for now. He came to George Bush to frighten him, in my opinion, my word, out of making the decision to go in. He said, Mr. You may have these casualties and you need all of these resources. The President looked him in the eye and said, General Powell, you can have all of that and if you need any more to do the job right, you come back to see me. And a lot of what you are hearing from me today has been trying to watch from that day forward, all of those nuances, trying to record them in my head and trying to review, posthumously, so to speak, after the fact, what went on and how people have analyzed it. I said it at the beginning today, I am astounded that George Bush is perceived as not having done anything domestically, at one point he was perceived. I am astounded at that. I feel this as an obligation, because in four years this man did more internationally and domestically than any other four-year period in history. If you take the Roosevelt first four years and the Roosevelt four war years and add them together, you get the same. But there was no paired domestic international performance of equal magnitude in American history. Not even [Woodrow] Wilson, with all that he succeeded. He was, let me tell you what his problem was. This President was so nice, and so modest, that it pained him to talk in the first person. And he had to be told by his advisors that he had to emphasize his success. He was always—. He was always intent on giving credit to somebody else. All right? So I started at the beginning today and I used the phrase that his greatest strength was how good he was to people and with people, and it was his weakness. This is an articulation of that weakness. In politics there has to be a slice, as you have noticed at the table today, a slice of immodesty. And George Bush had to have somebody around him who cared about him enough that would push him to do what he was uncomfortable doing. When he did it, he did it well. Somebody asked during the break whether he liked retail politics. He hated retail politics, but he did it well. You just had to take him to the crowd and let him loose. But you force yourself to do it. And he does it well then, and he poses for the pictures, and he talks to the little kids, and he empathizes, truly empathizes with everybody he meets. I understand some people replaced him, but that was a bit of a debacle. Atwater was a very dear friend. But as I started going down to the Reagan White House I ran into Atwater and it became clear early that he probably was going to be involved with George Bush. So we talked a lot. So you burned some bridges that you had the luxury of burning when somebody is going to be there for a long time. Atwater was going to be there for eight years. So you ruffle a few feathers. We were under the gun in terms of what was happening in Washington, and I think we have a reasonably good solution in Bill Bennett. So we go down that route, saying no to a lot of other people who wanted it. Bennett takes it verbally, goes home, and his brother convinces him that he can make a million dollars making speeches every year and he may not be able to do that as chairman, so he comes back and turns it down. And the fact of giving it to somebody and their turning it down alienates five other people who might have come in to do it. So it gets really messed up. Lee brought an understanding of what retail politics were, a sense that America was drifting to the conservative side. We now have a surplus. But Atwater understood that drift. What I told you about him looking at the wrestling audience and the stock car audience. He understood two things, that the swing vote in America can be characterized that way, and there is another way to slice it. The swing vote in America can be characterized as the conservative Catholic vote. There are short-term issues that rise in the campaign and then disappear. And secondly, the campaign would have never taken the wussie route, never. If Lee had a problem at all it was occasionally he enjoyed being a little bit excessive. Ross Perot would have been nailed between the eyes the minute he opened his mouth. It's insane. Atwater would have had the battery cables across Perot in about 30 seconds. Ross Perot was a pebble and Ross Perot should have been stopped as a pebble. It makes me feel unpleasant just thinking about it. Incompetence creates an unpleasant feeling. Rogers is pretty good politically in the sense that he understands the constituency groups. He is certainly nowhere near Lee in understanding how to attract them. But he at least can identify them. Pinkerton has a tin ear politically as well. Pinkerton in an odd sense is too much of an ideologue. So I think he was part of the problem, not part of the solution. That might include also the Tower nomination, [David] Souter—you were the one who placed his nomination in play—and also legislative business. Getting down to the point of how should people understand what created the successes, the workings behind it. The public perception is that there was always a battle between Republicans and Democrats. In reality there is a second issue always at play. And it is the tension between the executive branch and the legislative branch, always. My second term, I got three quarters of the House and three quarters of the Senate elected Republican. It was the hardest term I ever had. Because with such majorities, 75 percent in House and Senate, nobody felt any obligation to party loyalty, they all wanted to freelance. So you learn very quickly that sometimes the hardest negotiation you have to do is with your own party. Having said that, I believe the numbers in the Bush first term were Republicans in the House and 45 Republicans in the Senate. You go in and you look at those numbers and you just barely can sustain a veto, much less get legislation passed, unless you do something either very smart or very clever or capitulate, and capitulate is not an acceptable alternative. The President really did want to deal with some issues. The first one that he thought he was going to deal with was the budget, domestic. I say thought, because in fact, about ten days after the election and we started talking to people, this giant wart shows up called savings and loan. The first formal briefing was probably the first week in January when I went over to Treasury with Darman and Brady had [Charles] Dallara, Assistant Secretary Dallara, come in and talk to us about this issue. I mean, I just never thought of it as a separate segment. Dallara came out and started talking to us about this issue. In the discussion it became clear to me that what had happened was that there was this midnight change by the chairman of the banking commission from Rhode Island, I forget his name, the guy who was a bartender. Thank you. It sounded like an innocuous change but it created this hot money market for savings and loans to get huge amounts of savings and market themselves all over the country, and it created a level of savings that had to be invested and therefore reduced, in my opinion, reduced the level of scrutiny applied to loan structures. And fueled a tremendous explosion in real estate speculation. All of this was coupled with a lot of other things, but this is the way they slowly introduced this problem. They finally get to it and Dallara says, And we think there may be as much as an eight or ten billion dollar problem out there. And eight or ten billion dollars hits us like a ton of bricks. He says, I have no idea. Well, as you all know, by the time it all winnowed out, it turned out to be a couple of hundred billion dollars. I went to the President with Brady and Darman, after I had gotten up to speed on what it was, and I conveyed the severity of the problem to him, and Brady described how it got there to the President and all that. Danny Wall. We go to the President and tell him it is a serious problem and there are two or three ways to do this, you can do a quick solution and bite the bullet and try to fund the problem, one way or the other. You can try to stretch it out in a long solution, but make a commitment to fix it, and sort of drip the solution into the veins instead of just immersing the body into the solution, whatever it is. So we tried to go over there and implement and fix it. Now, let me tell you what the political problem was. The political problem was Don Riegle was chairman of the Senate banking committee and a very close friend of the President. Henry Gonzalez was chairman of the House banking committee and Henry did not understand what was going on. Riegle, the President thought he was a dear friend and Riegle was, in my opinion, exploiting the issue, holding hearings and scaring the hell out of every regulator in America that he was going to bring them up on incompetence charges or something. So what happens? Even if they are paying off the loan, on schedule, and have never missed a schedule, the loans are being re-analyzed as if they had never been issued, and they are deemed un-issueable. Then they are being forced by the regulators to be called by the banks because they are being classified as non-performing, or whatever the correct technical term is. This is raising havoc, particularly in California. So Brady goes back and has a meeting with the regulatory structures and says, Look, you have to move into this with a little bit of sense and you have to work the loans out. And they all agreed to go back and do that. So this squeezing is taking place everywhere, no matter what. I believe I am correct on this, to the point where Brady issued new regulations to everybody who was enforcing these laws, these rules, not laws, and required them to sign a declaration that they would use the criteria as given to them to make the evaluations. And even with that, they were going out and over squeezing the turnip. It created chaos for Bush for a year and a half, two years. It caused, in my opinion, the downturn. It created the perception, amongst his best supporters, because a lot of the successful real estate industry, particularly in California, were major supporters of the Republican party. They all had access to the President and to Brady and every time he went to a fund raiser ten of the real estate guys came up and hounded him and told him what a terrible job was happening, the country was going to Hell in a hand basket. To the point where we started inviting groups of this community into the White House, and I suppose I have myself to blame for asking the following question all the time. I would ask, somewhere in the meeting I would say, Okay, we recognize the problem, what should we do? And their answer was fix it. There was never an answer. There was no solution to a speculative bubble that was popping. So it created a long-term problem. It bothered the President no end. We were trying to fix it as fast as we could. The problem was that FDIC under [William Seidman] decided that, in my opinion, they wanted to be the largest real estate company in the world, and they would take in the loans and never put them out. Finally, I shifted it back to Brady but the Brady people were pretty clever, they told Seidman that I wanted Seidman out and Brady was going to get rid of him. What else? You deal with a legislative body by identifying what it has chosen for itself as a legislative body to be both its operating rules and its operating customs. Congress, when we were there, was an institution in which the power of the chairman was almost absolute. Chairmen really had wide-ranging prerogatives under the Democratic leadership. They could block bills for years if they wanted. They could bring bills with almost no hearings. They could insert amendments almost at will. They would go through the formality of a committee vote—which rarely voted against the chairman—so we recognized pretty early that we had to deal with them. Fred McClure was brought in to be legislative liaison. Fred had been involved in the political side before and had been lobbying Congress. He knew the political structures quite well. His deputy was Nick [Calio], and Nick was superb. Between them they went and started working and identifying the chairmen who were going to be important to the agenda. Certainly, under the Clean Air bill—who was in charge of the environmental committee? He was in his last years and he was hard. We argued a lot, we got hot under the collar a lot, but to this day, I probably respect Ted Kennedy more than most Republicans respect him. I think he did his homework, he was always prepared, he was smart and articulate for his side and really was willing to give and take to get results done. I think it created a relationship between us that when the going got tough on those two bills and they could have been killed and never passed, it gave us enough confidence to cross the extra last 50 yards that were involved. Energy reform was important to the President. I knew Bennett Johnston from my old days in the energy field and I went over and talked to Bennett and the Senator from Alaska, the Republican Senator—. They were both good friends and we talked about the fact that over a period of time we were going to have to develop a way to deal with, for lack of better words, the foolishness of the energy legislation that passed during the Carter years when the oil crisis was so bad. This time, she shared the spotlight and front row with another year-old actress: In a way, Scanlen's success is already working against her; she and Patricia Clarkson, who played the mother, gave such convincingly unsettling performances that Adams ended up considering the show to be too "dark" to return for a second season. And while it's been more than since six months since she's appeared onscreen, Scanlen clearly still knows how to steal the show. Retrieved July 7, Sununu Won't Run for Office in ". Retrieved April 13, Senator Sununu as Member of Council". Insurance Journal. January 30, Retrieved January 30, Office of the Clerk of the House of Representatives. Archived from the original on December 26, Retrieved August 8, Sununu at Wikipedia's sister projects. United States Senators from New Hampshire. Members of Congressional Oversight Panel. New Hampshire 's delegation s to the th—th United States Congresses ordered by seniority. Patriot Act. George W. Butch Otter. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Authority control ISNI: S VIAF: Retrieved from " https: Hidden categories: Namespaces Article Talk. Views Read Edit View history. In other projects Wikimedia Commons Wikiquote Wikisource. This page was last edited on 7 April , at By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Bob Smith. Wikiquote has quotations related to: Joe Keefe. Martha Fuller Clark. Jeanne Shaheen. When your dad taught you how to shave, he focused his lesson on the cheeks and chin. That was practical for the first decade or two of your shaving years, but what about the suddenly balding crown that you also inherited? Luckily, barber Eric Holmes is. Pay close attention, and, as Holmes will remind you: Go slow. Holmes has seen guys shave their heads with just about every type of razor. If you want the best shave with a standard razor as opposed to a straight razor or safety razor, for the real pros , then pick one with three to five blades, so that you can avoid having to go over any area more than once. Buzz it down First things first: Most guy will remove the guard and buzz all the way down, to minimize the amount of hair they will later drag with the razor, as well as to lessen any resistance to the blade. This will open your pores, relax your hair, and minimize friction and burn..

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. John E. Main article: United States Senate election in New Hampshire, John Edward Sununu". Nekane Sweet Watching Porn. We understand that this recorded session of the Bush Oral History Project is conducted under strict ground rules of confidentiality. We do this in order to encourage candor and to assure you that we are not journalists looking for a story or running Sununu shaved head to write a book, carrying words out of the room.

Let me start at the early end of the chronology. In New Hampshire everybody meets everybody running for President at least once or twice. It so happened that my wife was chairman of the Republican Party in New Sununu shaved head at the time, and so we got to Sununu shaved head them all under very warm and intimate conditions as they tried to convince us to break the rules—to convince her to break the rules of non-commitment in a primary and somehow signal her support.

I was a Reagan supporter and if any rules were broken they were broken "Sununu shaved head" my part, by giving advice to click Reagan folks, and I suspect Nancy [Sununu] also leaned that way, but did a much better job of hiding her preference and maintaining her neutrality. We got to meet George Bush, we got to meet Read article Bush and the clan and I liked them, although I really felt at the time that ideologically and on issues, Ronald Reagan was a better choice for the Republican Party in I went on learn more here run for Sununu shaved head U.

I was one of a field of eleven running for the U. Senate against John Durkin. Frankly, I wanted to run because I always thought the bumper sticker I would use was Sununu shaved head you want to keep a jerk in, vote for Durkin. Everybody knew Durkin was vulnerable, so we had the attorney general of the state, Warren Rudman, we had former Governor Wesley Powell, we had, I think, the Senate president and the speaker of the House and the former Senate president and a former speaker and a couple of key legislators and an encyclopedia salesman named Smith and somebody named Sununu who decided to run.

It was interesting because Wesley Powell the former Governor was from the same county I was in, the second largest population county at the time, Rockingham County.

I ended Sununu shaved head coming in second to Warren Rudman by about 3, votes or something like that and Wesley Powell took 25, votes, I think, and most of them from our county, so I managed to scare Warren. And then, since he was the only liberal in the primary, I agreed to serve as his state chairman and try and hold link Republican conservatives, because in those days we had a three party system in New Hampshire: When a liberal Republican won, the conservatives sat on their hands and vice versa.

The next year I thought I had had my Sununu shaved head political experience, coming in second in a Republican primary for U. I went back to my engineering consulting business and teaching on the faculty at Tufts and they all came—not all, but Jimmy Cleveland in particular, who was the sort of senior Republican in the state at the time.

He was a Congressman and asked me to run for Governor against the incumbent Democrat Governor, Sununu shaved head I said it sounded like too much work. It was not going to be a good Republican year, and I thought Governor took too much time. Finally they convinced me. I ran for Governor. I won a very heated primary against the Senate president and then came into—our primaries are in September, so I came out of this heated primary exhausted and broke and ready to run against an incumbent Governor and needed to raise money quickly.

So I picked up the phone and called a gentleman I had met about a half a dozen times in and asked him to come up and do a fundraiser for Sununu shaved head the Vice President of the United States, George Bush.

He agreed and eleven days later we held what turned out at Sununu shaved head time Sununu shaved head be the largest single fundraiser ever held in the state.

So, you remember somebody who on short notice came up and made a difference for you. You develop a relationship, you get to know each other well over a period of time. Governors interact with the President and Vice President often. New Hampshire Governors find their phone calls returned quite quickly laughter.

I took full advantage of that. The Vice President was gracious. He and Sununu shaved head. Bush entertained Nancy and me when we went down there. A couple of times we stayed with them in the vice presidential residence and we developed a good personal relationship.

I found out that on critical issues of economy and free enterprise in the market, George Bush was actually a lot more conservative than I had perceived him to be originally. Frankly, we just evolved into a relationship where it was, at least in my mind, almost a foregone conclusion that I would support him if he chose to run for President in Atwater came up to basically ask me to support the Vice President in a Sununu shaved head way as early as possible.

I told Lee I would do that if we could put a strategy together that made sense to win the nomination. So over a period of phone conversations and meetings, Atwater and I put together what was really a Governors-based strategy. It was the first time, I think, that anybody in Washington put that kind of Sununu shaved head together.

The conventional wisdom is that the political power of America was in the Congress, in the Senate in particular, and that Senators ran their states so to speak. Everybody has Sununu shaved head discovered how foolish that is, since Governors live amongst the constituents and dispense all the patronage.

Anyway, we did that. By the time it became obvious to Bob Dole what was happening, George Bush had lined up virtually all, if not all, but one or two Republican Governors as endorsers. So that process evolved, got involved in trying to set the stage that way. Then of course he asked me to co-chair with Senator [Judd] Gregg the New Hampshire effort for the primary. They were running the Iowa campaign with Sununu shaved head old Washington operatives. But the same people just had no nose for the politics at the link roots Sununu shaved head the state level and when it was an even playing field.

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The Vice President came out of Iowa, as everybody knows, I think Sununu shaved head came in third. Pat Robertson came in second and Dole won. And he came into New Hampshire exactly Sununu shaved head New Hampshire Governors like their candidates to come in, wounded and ready to be saved.

You have to create a personalized, if not personal, relationship with the voters. The master of that is sitting in the White House today.

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Let me give a context to that. I then became the Sununu shaved head the next year; he chaired the executive committee. I know the Sununu shaved head quite well. I know how good he is at Sununu shaved head politics and I know how smart he was at taking local politics to the national level. We can talk about that later. But anyway, I tried to bring to the Bush campaign, in the year before the primary, an understanding that campaigning in New Hampshire in particular—even though I believe it applied everywhere, it was particularly true in New Hampshire—you had to connect with the voters.

The New Hampshire voters take their responsibility very seriously. And Sununu shaved head want the candidates to take the campaign seriously. Our goal in the year before was to get George Bush to shake as many hands as possible. We estimated that he shook about 60, hands in the year before the primary. We estimated that we took about five to seven thousand Polaroid pictures of the President and somebody. So we did that. We did a Sununu shaved head of things that seemed really strange at the time that in retrospect were probably the best things we could do.

Concord has a First Night kind of a structure where people wander around the streets to different events. We took a furniture storefront and moved all the furniture around so that it looked like a homey living room and set up a hot chocolate line. People could come in and have their picture taken and shake hands with the Vice President of the United States and his wife and a couple of his kids and daughters-in-law and so go here. That night I believe the number Sununu shaved head correct, about 3, people came through.

The Governor of the state was out front handing out hot chocolate and the Senator was handing out hot chocolate article source everybody got their picture taken with the Vice President that night.

It was cold. We went out at the State House steps at midnight, watched the fireworks. In the Reagan vision of photo ops, it was a great photo op.

The second thing that might give you a feeling for New Hampshire style politics and the feeling I have that politics is a process of investments of time and effort and commitment that eventually, in unseen ways, produce results. In ways you may not anticipate when you do it.

Lighxxx Tube Watch Chubby busty nude women Video Explore Pussy. Gently pull the skin taut to avoid unnecessary grooves and obstructions. As for the order of operations: And, as you would with a regular shave, rinse the blade in hot water after each stroke, to keep it unobstructed. This will firm the skin and prevent blockage, as you wash away any hair, dead skin, and shave gel residue from your crown. Chase it with an aftershave lotion Holmes recommends using an aftershave lotion or balm, as opposed to a gel or splash. However, most important is to banish any aftershaves containing alcohol—now, and forever. They dry out your skin and do more damage than good. Treat nicks and cuts You might make a rookie error or two, but even the self-shaving veterans out there get a couple nicks along the way. Both of these will come in hand for any nicks to your face, or even a paper cut, pesky hangnail, etc. In the evening, cleanse in the shower, but try to limit showering to just once a day, lest you dry out the skin on the scalp. He had black representation in the Cabinet. I mean he really was a President who believed in both being and being seen as being an administration that was open. Lauro [Cavazos] was a hold over. The President wanted to hold it open. What happened? Lauro never was ready to take the lead on some of the transitional things that the President wanted to do on education. He wanted to talk about and focus on K through Lauro had come out of the university environment at Tufts with me. I knew Lauro from Tufts. It was one of the hardest things I ever had to do. Lauro got very upset. From that meeting to this day I have not seen Lauro Cavazos. Was this just a general impression the President had built up over time or was there a precipitating incident? Roger Porter had a disillusionment with him. So we went out and got Lamar [Alexander] and recommended him to the President. The President met with Lamar, he knew Lamar. Lamar was aggressive and articulate on education and I think did a great job. When you were appointed Chief of Staff, was there any going over of flow charts and thinking about how you wanted to organize the White House staff? No, the White House staff is organized the way the President wants it to be. So you start with a structure and you curve it slightly as you go along. What we did know was the general organization of the Reagan White House in terms of major responsibilities. The Reagan White House had a troika. He was only Chief of Staff for ten or eleven months before he switched with Don Regan at the end of the first term, he became Secretary of Treasury and Regan became his Chief of Staff. He saw all the problems that caused, the infighting. So he knew he wanted a Chief of Staff. He knew he was going to have to have someone limit flow, because there is no way he can do everything. So he, I think, picked two people he trusted. That he felt would not alter his agenda and would do only what he wanted done and not do what he did not want done. So that was it. Now, did the President have in mind that everything would go through the Chief of Staff? There was only one way I felt that that could happen, and that was to have everything come through a single point. But everything will have to come through this office. Remember, in a White House, what you have to do is negotiate competing interests. You find out what the President wants the result to be and then you make the result go to where he wants it. The only way you can guarantee that is by requiring all decisions to come to the place that knows what the President wants. The art of the job is to make sure the President gets credit for everything good that happens and everything that everybody is happy about, and to make sure that everything that everybody is angry about is blamed on the Chief of Staff. That is the job. I think I figured out the half-life of the Chief of Staff was ten and a half months. Baker was there a year. Sherm Adams was actually the most successful Chief of Staff, he was there over a term. I figured I would be there about six months. I thought I could get everything organized and everything put in place correctly and a process that would have some momentum, and, if I got lucky, a little longer. But I knew the definition of the job was that eventually, unless I got awfully, awfully lucky, somebody else would be in there. You resign yourself to that and go on. To the degree you can get away with it, and the President lets you get away with it, and the President wants you to get away with it. Look, this President knew that I came with some very strong feelings about issues. New Hampshire had been the first state to pass acid rain legislation—he knew that I had a commitment to the environment, but in a way that was consistent with his commitment. He knew I had very strong feelings on education, that the keystone to education is the parent-teacher-student relationship, and he believed in it, and that money is not a solution to education. He heard all the statistics, that if you really do a statistical analysis of performance and funding in education, for other reasons, you will find an absolutely negative correlation. On issues of energy, America ought to become more energy independent, that deregulation was hurting the system. He liked where I was coming from. They were unfavorable. Sure I do, and let me tell you how silly it was. I asked the global warming people to come in. They said, We have these predictions from these computer models. They had these two-dimensional weather models that were designed primarily for short-term predictions that they were using for long-range predictions. Now, I raised one issue. I said, Gee, global warming is associated with the thermal response of the atmosphere. There is a thermal capacity of the atmosphere. Let me do a calculation. I said, Gee, how is this model coupled to the oceans? I said, Gee, the thermal capacity of the top meter of the ocean is equal to the thermal capacity of the entire atmosphere. Now, we know the top hundred meters of the ocean are well coupled thermally to the atmosphere, so you are ignoring something which dominates by a factor of the thermal response of the system. Those idiots put out that I thought that by putting a simple one-dimensional model that included the ocean, it was as good as theirs. The point was, their model was garbage. And garbage in, garbage out. I said, You want us to make trillion dollar decisions based on using the wrong model to do the wrong thing and ignoring the most significant parameter? I saw something very interesting about six months ago which correlates the droughts and the hot spells in the country to the sunspot cycle, and we are going through the worst sunspot cycle in ages now. There was never immediacy. And you would ask such simple questions as, Gee, the bulk of the heating in this century occurred before the emissions got too high. So, yes, on the wetlands there was an issue of no net loss. The law was written and the congressional history of the legislation that had no net loss in it discussed the fact that compensatory provisions would be allowed. That if you took this piece of wetland, you could go and create a compensating piece of wetland. But the environmentalists and [Bill] Reilly wanted to write regulations in which the compensatory piece was not permitted. But when you questioned that, you were accused of being anti-environment. And he wanted somebody to go and argue his position and maintain his position. It had to be dealt with by his White House, and if I happened to have enough interest and experience in an issue that I could argue it, he never minded that, never minded that at all. Well, let me do it this way. He passed a clean air bill that had been stalemated for thirteen years and did it in such a way that it has worked magic. The civil rights bill—his way. A crime bill that really was the first comprehensive bill that started to recognize the focusing of resources back to the communities with discretionary spending by the communities. Energy deregulation, which is the heart and soul of the reduction in energy costs in this country, electric bills going down and so on. An agriculture reform bill that for the first time made significant reductions in the subsidies without hurting the family farmer. The Americans with Disabilities Act, a piece of legislation that as originally drafted was absolutely impossible to administer and the President said, Go in and fix it, and he got it done his way for the most part. Even in the heated budget bill, we restructured the congressional budgeting structure with constraints that put discipline into the system that is still there. A hundred and seventy-four members of the House and forty-five members of the Senate were Republicans. Historic lows. To work the legislation agenda he wanted, domestic legislation agenda he wanted, it included the first chunks of welfare reform, which were very important. It included an expansion of the responsibilities for decisions to the states being devolved from the federal government, the federalism aspect. Certainly the legislation on fixing savings and loans fast, and taking the political consequences. That was his domestic agenda that was passed. But that is what Bill Clinton has managed. There were nuance disappointments in the legislation. We would have liked to have fixed the budget issue better. On the tax side, we were disappointed in not getting a capital gains tax cut. There were nuance disappointments, but the biggest problem with the Clean Air Act was the rules and regulations written, trying to be written by EPA [Environmental Protection Association] to recapture what had not been included in the legislation. The Clean Air Act as it finally came out was a pretty good bill. It was estimated—again, my numbers may be wrong—but it was estimated that to get a ton of emissions would cost a thousand dollars and they were traded at about a thousand dollars. The President knew the energy side cold. He was very disappointed in not being able to do anything about ANWR [Arctic National Wildlife Refuge] and opening up the mineral exploration to some of the areas that had been shut off. I think he really sensed that the country was cutting itself off in the long run from being a major oil and gas producer to some extent, and that we were tying our hands unnecessarily, that technology was there to do things in an environmentally sound way and we were just reacting and over-reacting. I think that was a disappointment. You think you won on civil rights? All of the fuss about quotas and so on, or was it really just a—. I tried very hard to understand the nuance of the language that [Richard] Thornburgh and Boyden [Gray] were battling for. Let me tell you something interesting. I developed a group of very interesting friends. Probably one of my closest friends in the Senate now is Ted Kennedy, and we battled civil rights and ADA [Americans with Disabilities Act] to a fare-thee-well, some real shouting matches and so on. But he always came prepared, he always knew what he was talking about, and he always knew enough about the issue to try and sucker you into winning. I bring that up in this context because it was a language issue. Ted would always come with two or three variations of the language and he understood how to play with the words to try and win it. And I respect—I have no problem, absolutely no problem with it. I never understood all the nuances involved in every perturbation of that language. Boyden finally told us that they had come up with some language that made it a non-quota bill. Excuse me, let me just go back to that point, because if there is something that I am going to keep emphasizing, it is how successful Bush was domestically. And to me, the most important contribution you can make on the historical side is to help us identify the factual basis associated with all of that. This actually goes into that. Clean Air, ADA, et cetera. What I want to get into a little bit is the rhyme and reason to it. Did you ever figure going in, about where this was coming from, where his priorities were going to be and why? For instance, why ADA? You talked a little bit about abortion and a couple of other things—. This is a President that believes in a set—and it is very much reflected in what George W. It is embodied in what we did in the Clean Air Act, fixing the environment without handcuffing the economy. It is embodied in what we did in the energy bill—deregulating so prices are cut without creating a system that destroys the strength of the energy-producing side of the country. The Clean Air Act fixes a problem while keeping the economy strong. The energy act does the same thing. ADA takes care of a personal need without going so far as to have an unintended consequence associated with it. Same thing with the Civil Rights Act. All of them are designed to solve problems, but have in them a recognition that you can over-empower government and begin to have unintended consequences. Go and fight that the change is taken right to the line and no further. And he took unfinished issues—the Clean Air bill had been hanging there thirteen or fourteen years: Go do it. We can do this, we can make it work, we can meet our own conditions and find a compromise with Congress that meets our agenda and their agenda. He took all these unfinished issues and really brought them to a head and closed. All of them were done with huge Democratic majorities, run by two nice men, Foley and Mitchell, who were the most partisan congressional leaders the country has ever seen. Absolutely partisan. No question in my mind that George Mitchell created an environment that allowed Bill Clinton to win by being so partisan. You remember Jimmy Carter was criticized for being too diffuse, not having priorities. The Reagan people learned from that to do a few things. Did the Bush people have a first year strategy? The first year strategy for the President was to do what had to be done, to take advantage of what was happening in the Soviet Union. That was his absolute first priority. There is no question about that. But on the domestic side, there were two things that were a priority: And number two, start to create the interactions on issues like clean air, like energy deregulation, like the crime bill, like civil rights and ADA, that gets us to the point where we get them passed. We may not pass them this year, but you have to start this year. And we started getting our groups together in the White House and in the departments and the agencies developing those themes. I had many meetings with Reilly trying to define the envelope in which the environmental legislation would be acceptable. Many meetings re-defining the envelope in which the environmental legislation would be acceptable, and then a follow up meeting defining the envelope in which environmental legislation would be acceptable. That was his agenda, and it was clear, and we were trying to do it all at the same time. It was only five words. Yes, business necessity and how you define it, but five words. I mean, 40 pages of legislation and five words is the fight. You ask the question nine times and you get nine slightly same, but slightly different answers, and so you say, Boyden, go up and do it. And so they would say da-da and I would very modestly turn to Thornburgh and say, Dick. I mean, you try and negotiate it. You try awfully hard to do it. And then you pass papers back and forth. But we were negotiating five words. In some sense is that symptomatic of something about the Bush administration, that you people passed a lot of really technically accomplished and sophisticated things that somehow were in some ways perhaps, hard to mesh with the larger presidential agenda? And so that took a lot of time. The amazing thing is that while the Soviet Union is being artfully taken apart, you are putting together the resources that did two things. One, addressed the immediate need of saying this aggression will not stand, and getting Saddam [Hussein] out of Kuwait, and number two, never talked about any more, eliminating forever the post Vietnam syndrome. Where would the world be today with one superpower hobbled by a perception in the world that the country is unwilling or unable to project power? That is the most important single result of the Gulf War; that a single superpower no longer is perceived by every tinhorn in the world as being unable to project power. The world could not function as it is functioning today if there had not been the Gulf War. Domestic performance. Everybody can have a good domestic agenda, not everybody can have good domestic performance. Because as I said, for the election, because it was written by the wusses of Washington, it was run by the wusses of Washington. The Washington Post says the President has no domestic agenda, so they run no ad. I wrote three ads for them describing these domestic accomplishments. They never cut a single ad saying, By the way, this is what George Bush has done domestically. Never cut a single ad and never wrote a presidential speech that talked about that. Because these guys were more concerned about running a campaign that the Washington Post and the New York Times would be proud of, than winning for the President. Excuse me, let me give you one more answer. And the other answer is destiny. Let me explain it. I think I mentioned this last time I was at the Center. Think about who was in charge of the major nations of the world when the Berlin wall came down and think about what happened to every single one of them but one the next time they went either to their party or the ballot box. He won by that much and then he lost. So the point is destiny. They all got Churchilled. One man saves one country and the world by the strength of his personality, So it is partly ineptitude, but ineptitude that made it easy for destiny to be fulfilled. What happens is that people immediately adopt a new political psyche. When a major burden is removed from their shoulders, or their concern, and they wake up thinking about different things the next morning. And frankly, they wake up unprepared to think constructively about the second through twelfth priority when the first priority is immediately removed. They brought me back in to do Ross Perot during the debates, they even brought a pair of ears. They just had their own vision of running this campaign, and all they cared about was being the ones who were running the campaign. This goes back to one of the first questions I asked you, though. Maybe he is not a great strategist himself, he relies on others—. A lot of people have interpreted as saying, Did he want a second term? He wanted a second term badly. He knew in his heart that he had laid a foundation for a lot of things to happen. He wanted that. One of the things about articulation, because this goes back, when you think about the State of the Union address, the first State of the Union Address. This vision thing is crap. What is vision? Vision is best articulated in retrospect. You know, everyone says, Where are the Reagans of today running for President? I can think of some they articulated and never fulfilled because it was BS, and I can think of some that were fulfilled that were understood in the long run. All right, now let me ask you, though. I think one of the problems that Al Gore has is that he does not have good intuitions about what is really worrying people. When he first went to Congress he took a whole bunch of technical issues and rode to town on them. Al Gore is the perfect example of what was wrong with the Bush campaign in Al Gore has never lived anywhere outside of Washington. But now hear me out. With all due respect, the answer to that mood had to be what we did to Dukakis. We hammered real data until finally, in August and September, people understood the difference between the perception and the reality. In , the growth rate in the last quarter was 5. The growth rate for the year was almost 4 percent. Except for one quarter, and one year, it was the highest quarter and the highest year, I believe, of all this great recovery. I know it. But they had to talk about the data and had to hammer it home so that the public—the public was being told every day by Clinton and the press that they were miserable. Nobody was out of a job. They were worried about their neighbor losing their job, because the press was telling them. The unemployment rate never got higher than 7. It lingered around six, five and six percent, which is not bad even for good times. There was no great unemployment in America. All right, George Bush listened to his economic advisors and they all counseled, things are going to be all right. Baker was busy. Baker was busy dealing with the collapse of the Soviet Union, and [Eduard] Shevardnadze and Gorbachev. Who straddled the two areas, the area of understanding, like the economic advisors did, that the data was good, and who understand the political need to help the public understand that the data was good, and it never happened. I was talking about the Democrats, the opposition party. Should have started in January, February, and March, and the intention was to start dealing with those issues that way, to remobilize the Governors, to use the Governors as spokesmen for how good things were. He got polling data. He got people who were so euphoric at now being involved where they wanted to be involved, in the way they wanted to be involved that they forgot to do their job. Sam [Skinner] was a very nice man who should never have been Chief of Staff. Teeter, a good friend but he cannot run, as I said before, a one-car funeral. Malek has the political sense of a doorknob. But you see, stipulating that this picture is correct, then the puzzle that a lot of people in the future are going to be asking is: Bush had had the experience, the President had had the experience of your kind of campaign and what it had done for him. You were technically competent in that. And yet, all of those things seem to have been lacking as he moved into the second campaign. He underestimated the loss of Atwater, the loss of Ailes and my involvement to the point where he thought that in the Teeter et. And discovered that all the concerns that I had had and others had had that these guys could not cut the mustard in the big leagues was real. It was too late. He has in the back of his mind, I think, that the safety valve is on, I can always bring Baker back in. Let me just tell you. The last thing we did is everybody went around the table and said whom they thought was going to get the nomination on the Democratic side and everybody was saying Cuomo, and I said Clinton. And they said, Who is Clinton? He has a passion for this politics. And anyway, we had three or four meetings, I kept sticking to my Clinton predictions and they kept sticking with their Cuomo. None of them ever thought that Clinton would be a real threat. Remember, Clinton, they were thrilled that he was getting the nomination when he finally got it. And I called a couple of them and said, You have a real problem. You just have to remind people that this is a guy who took Arkansas from a weak 49 th to a strong 49 th. Just talk about the statistics. They never did it until too late. In January , at a hearing in front of the Commerce, Science and Transportation Committee on the Broadcast Flag , Sununu was one of the very few present to criticize the legislation, saying "In all cases [of previous technological advancements in the US], we didn't need to step in with a significant statutory government-regulated mandate on technology that consumers use to enjoy this material". In October , Sununu voted against a portion of the Military Commissions Act of that would suspend the right of habeas corpus for non-citizen detainees. After voting in favor of the final bill, he defended his vote by telling reporters " The Constitution is not a suicide pact ". Attorney firings. Sununu cited his anger with the mismanagement by Gonzales and the lack of trustworthiness by GOP Senators towards Gonzales. In July , Sununu shaved his head to show solidarity with Senator Arlen Specter , who had lost his hair due to chemotherapy for Hodgkin's disease. In September , Sununu became one of twenty senators ten Democrats and ten Republicans co-sponsoring a bipartisan energy bill, the New Energy Reform Act of The bill was offered as an alternative to the Democrats' energy bill, sponsored by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi. Both bills proposed to increase offshore drilling , while promoting conservation and alternative energy. The "Gang of Twenty" bill also lets coastal states participate in decisions and in revenue about drilling in the fifty-to-one-hundred-mile range off their coasts. It also differs from the Democrats' bill in allowing drilling off Florida's west coast, a proposal both Florida's senators have protested. Sununu is a regular op-ed contributor to the Boston Globe. Prior to the Election Cycle, speculation had abounded that he would pursue a rematch against Shaheen, but in April , he said that he would not run for his old seat. On January 30, , Lloyd's of London announced Sununu had been appointed to its governing council. Sununu married Catherine Kitty Halloran on July 9, They have three children: John, Catherine Grace, and Charlotte. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. John E. Main article: United States Senate election in New Hampshire, John Edward Sununu". Retrieved December 17, The New York Times. November 21, Archived from the original on Retrieved CS1 maint: February 8, Retrieved April 6, Boston Globe. Retrieved July 3, Keywords Hair Sharp Objects. Most Popular 1. Coachella Festival Style:.

We wanted them to come down, I think the next weekend, to do an interview with Channel 9. He wanted to spend time with his family, and, in ways that state chairmen are wont to do, I insisted. So the Vice President came down with Mrs. After we left, he said, Now tell me again why I did all this? I said, Mr. If you go through the analysis of that Sununu shaved head primary, you will remember that it came time to put what was known as the Sununu shaved head click at this page television.

That decision was made, I believe, late Friday, and all the TV stations, particularly channel nine in New Hampshire, had closed their books for the weekend. Well, I picked up the phone and called David [Zamatch], the general Sununu shaved head, who had brought his grandchildren in to have their picture taken with the Vice President and whom the Vice President Sununu shaved head time talking to, and giving out vice presidential pens or whatever it is to the grandchildren and so on.

And David got in his car, drove down to the TV station, allowed us to put the ads on Channel 9, which was the most important television station for this weekend. And he nodded his head and understood immediately that again, investing some of his time and his charm and his real friendliness to people made a difference in a way that is hard for people to identify at the time but in retrospect Sununu shaved head easily understandable.

Anyway, we developed a very strong relationship. I think he developed a lot of confidence. He came into the state really feeling down. I sat down with the Vice President and Mrs. Bush and my wife, and I said, Mr. And, as Mrs. Bush was gracious enough to say later, it really made her feel like it was going to happen.

Apps sexy Watch Lesbian enjoy dildo Video Tube dansk. They were gracious enough to go out and make those sentiments felt and it turned out to be a nothing issue at the convention. You can raise any of the issues you want, you can have any motions you want. You know, we worked out the agenda ahead of time on how they would do it and what they would want. They got everything they asked for in terms of procedure and opportunity to raise it, and it just went smoothly. We included all those things we talked about, the environmental commitment, the civil rights. But all these things that were supposedly so controversial, the President got exactly what he wanted and we moved on. I think that was another reason he felt very comfortable, because what was supposed to be a huge—the press was down there, ready to take prisoners and it turned out to be bland and dead. The President came to his pro-life position late and is absolutely committed to it, and is committed to it primarily, I think, because of the death of his daughter. He says that, You know, if somebody had told us she was going to die early and we could have an abortion and avoid it, I would not have given up the opportunity to have her. I think it was a true, deep commitment. I think he is troubled by the political difficulty the commitment causes. One of the toughest issues we had to sustain vetoes on were pro-life provisions—pro-choice, pro-life conflicts in legislation. He never lost a veto while I was Chief of Staff. He lost one after I left. But even with that loss, it is the most amazing veto sustaining record. It may have cost a few equivalent license plates or something, but that veto should have been sustained. Just to keep a clean record. But his personal commitment to the issue is pretty strong and sincere and I have talked to him about it. Go back to the last question about Quayle, the last question I have about that. What the President was referring to was the mistake in the handling of the reaction after the selection. I know that. I can tell you that unequivocally. Would you care to elaborate, what did the President think should have been done and what was done incorrectly? Was it the surprise springing of the selection—. It really is part of the problem that he has and I think he would have recovered. I think it would have been an interesting race this time if he had had enough money to go through New Hampshire. I can tell you that I'm I am 90 percent sure he would have won New Hampshire. He would have been [John] McCain in New Hampshire, with the advantage that he had an agenda and a philosophy and appeal to Republican voters which McCain did not have. McCain forgot he was running in a Republican primary and Quayle would have had that momentum going into South Carolina, which would have been ideal for him. So it could have been a very different structure. I had one question which I forgot to ask you. When the administration was putting together the White House office and the Cabinet, was there much discussion about the relationship between the White House and the Cabinet, whether in this administration there was going to be more emphasis on the Cabinet than previous ones? I mentioned some of the positions that were kind of lined up. The President wanted Lou Sullivan. Lou was going to be in charge of the agency that would have the greatest impact on the pro-life, pro-choice issue. Lou had never been involved in politics, did not understand that the press would take three words of a phrase to make him believe the story, and so, trying not to appear dogmatic on a couple of presentations, he made it sound like he was waffling on the life issue and all the conservative groups got up in arms. I had to go and talk to Lou and see where he really stood, then convey that to the conservative groups. I finally got that calmed down and got him to the point where conservative Republicans in Congress, in the Senate, gave him their approval and support. But those are the kinds of things you go through, not, What is our general philosophy of interacting with the Cabinet? Quayle and I lobbied very hard for [Jack] Kemp and [William] Bennett, because I really wanted the President to have a comfort factor with the conservative wing of the party, and he had no problem with accepting it. He was a little bit concerned about Kemp and probably rightly so, but I thought we could handle Kemp and we did for the most part up until the end. Trying to remember some other Cabinet—what were the tough Cabinet questions. He had Lynn Martin and Mrs. He had black representation in the Cabinet. I mean he really was a President who believed in both being and being seen as being an administration that was open. Lauro [Cavazos] was a hold over. The President wanted to hold it open. What happened? Lauro never was ready to take the lead on some of the transitional things that the President wanted to do on education. He wanted to talk about and focus on K through Lauro had come out of the university environment at Tufts with me. I knew Lauro from Tufts. It was one of the hardest things I ever had to do. Lauro got very upset. From that meeting to this day I have not seen Lauro Cavazos. Was this just a general impression the President had built up over time or was there a precipitating incident? Roger Porter had a disillusionment with him. So we went out and got Lamar [Alexander] and recommended him to the President. The President met with Lamar, he knew Lamar. Lamar was aggressive and articulate on education and I think did a great job. When you were appointed Chief of Staff, was there any going over of flow charts and thinking about how you wanted to organize the White House staff? No, the White House staff is organized the way the President wants it to be. So you start with a structure and you curve it slightly as you go along. What we did know was the general organization of the Reagan White House in terms of major responsibilities. The Reagan White House had a troika. He was only Chief of Staff for ten or eleven months before he switched with Don Regan at the end of the first term, he became Secretary of Treasury and Regan became his Chief of Staff. He saw all the problems that caused, the infighting. So he knew he wanted a Chief of Staff. He knew he was going to have to have someone limit flow, because there is no way he can do everything. So he, I think, picked two people he trusted. That he felt would not alter his agenda and would do only what he wanted done and not do what he did not want done. So that was it. Now, did the President have in mind that everything would go through the Chief of Staff? There was only one way I felt that that could happen, and that was to have everything come through a single point. But everything will have to come through this office. Remember, in a White House, what you have to do is negotiate competing interests. You find out what the President wants the result to be and then you make the result go to where he wants it. The only way you can guarantee that is by requiring all decisions to come to the place that knows what the President wants. The art of the job is to make sure the President gets credit for everything good that happens and everything that everybody is happy about, and to make sure that everything that everybody is angry about is blamed on the Chief of Staff. That is the job. I think I figured out the half-life of the Chief of Staff was ten and a half months. Baker was there a year. Sherm Adams was actually the most successful Chief of Staff, he was there over a term. I figured I would be there about six months. I thought I could get everything organized and everything put in place correctly and a process that would have some momentum, and, if I got lucky, a little longer. But I knew the definition of the job was that eventually, unless I got awfully, awfully lucky, somebody else would be in there. You resign yourself to that and go on. To the degree you can get away with it, and the President lets you get away with it, and the President wants you to get away with it. Look, this President knew that I came with some very strong feelings about issues. New Hampshire had been the first state to pass acid rain legislation—he knew that I had a commitment to the environment, but in a way that was consistent with his commitment. He knew I had very strong feelings on education, that the keystone to education is the parent-teacher-student relationship, and he believed in it, and that money is not a solution to education. He heard all the statistics, that if you really do a statistical analysis of performance and funding in education, for other reasons, you will find an absolutely negative correlation. On issues of energy, America ought to become more energy independent, that deregulation was hurting the system. He liked where I was coming from. They were unfavorable. Sure I do, and let me tell you how silly it was. I asked the global warming people to come in. They said, We have these predictions from these computer models. They had these two-dimensional weather models that were designed primarily for short-term predictions that they were using for long-range predictions. Now, I raised one issue. I said, Gee, global warming is associated with the thermal response of the atmosphere. There is a thermal capacity of the atmosphere. Let me do a calculation. I said, Gee, how is this model coupled to the oceans? I said, Gee, the thermal capacity of the top meter of the ocean is equal to the thermal capacity of the entire atmosphere. Now, we know the top hundred meters of the ocean are well coupled thermally to the atmosphere, so you are ignoring something which dominates by a factor of the thermal response of the system. Those idiots put out that I thought that by putting a simple one-dimensional model that included the ocean, it was as good as theirs. The point was, their model was garbage. And garbage in, garbage out. I said, You want us to make trillion dollar decisions based on using the wrong model to do the wrong thing and ignoring the most significant parameter? I saw something very interesting about six months ago which correlates the droughts and the hot spells in the country to the sunspot cycle, and we are going through the worst sunspot cycle in ages now. There was never immediacy. And you would ask such simple questions as, Gee, the bulk of the heating in this century occurred before the emissions got too high. So, yes, on the wetlands there was an issue of no net loss. The law was written and the congressional history of the legislation that had no net loss in it discussed the fact that compensatory provisions would be allowed. That if you took this piece of wetland, you could go and create a compensating piece of wetland. But the environmentalists and [Bill] Reilly wanted to write regulations in which the compensatory piece was not permitted. But when you questioned that, you were accused of being anti-environment. And he wanted somebody to go and argue his position and maintain his position. It had to be dealt with by his White House, and if I happened to have enough interest and experience in an issue that I could argue it, he never minded that, never minded that at all. Well, let me do it this way. He passed a clean air bill that had been stalemated for thirteen years and did it in such a way that it has worked magic. The civil rights bill—his way. A crime bill that really was the first comprehensive bill that started to recognize the focusing of resources back to the communities with discretionary spending by the communities. Energy deregulation, which is the heart and soul of the reduction in energy costs in this country, electric bills going down and so on. An agriculture reform bill that for the first time made significant reductions in the subsidies without hurting the family farmer. The Americans with Disabilities Act, a piece of legislation that as originally drafted was absolutely impossible to administer and the President said, Go in and fix it, and he got it done his way for the most part. Even in the heated budget bill, we restructured the congressional budgeting structure with constraints that put discipline into the system that is still there. A hundred and seventy-four members of the House and forty-five members of the Senate were Republicans. Historic lows. To work the legislation agenda he wanted, domestic legislation agenda he wanted, it included the first chunks of welfare reform, which were very important. It included an expansion of the responsibilities for decisions to the states being devolved from the federal government, the federalism aspect. Certainly the legislation on fixing savings and loans fast, and taking the political consequences. That was his domestic agenda that was passed. But that is what Bill Clinton has managed. There were nuance disappointments in the legislation. We would have liked to have fixed the budget issue better. On the tax side, we were disappointed in not getting a capital gains tax cut. There were nuance disappointments, but the biggest problem with the Clean Air Act was the rules and regulations written, trying to be written by EPA [Environmental Protection Association] to recapture what had not been included in the legislation. The Clean Air Act as it finally came out was a pretty good bill. It was estimated—again, my numbers may be wrong—but it was estimated that to get a ton of emissions would cost a thousand dollars and they were traded at about a thousand dollars. The President knew the energy side cold. He was very disappointed in not being able to do anything about ANWR [Arctic National Wildlife Refuge] and opening up the mineral exploration to some of the areas that had been shut off. I think he really sensed that the country was cutting itself off in the long run from being a major oil and gas producer to some extent, and that we were tying our hands unnecessarily, that technology was there to do things in an environmentally sound way and we were just reacting and over-reacting. I think that was a disappointment. You think you won on civil rights? All of the fuss about quotas and so on, or was it really just a—. I tried very hard to understand the nuance of the language that [Richard] Thornburgh and Boyden [Gray] were battling for. Let me tell you something interesting. I developed a group of very interesting friends. Probably one of my closest friends in the Senate now is Ted Kennedy, and we battled civil rights and ADA [Americans with Disabilities Act] to a fare-thee-well, some real shouting matches and so on. But he always came prepared, he always knew what he was talking about, and he always knew enough about the issue to try and sucker you into winning. I bring that up in this context because it was a language issue. Ted would always come with two or three variations of the language and he understood how to play with the words to try and win it. And I respect—I have no problem, absolutely no problem with it. I never understood all the nuances involved in every perturbation of that language. Boyden finally told us that they had come up with some language that made it a non-quota bill. Excuse me, let me just go back to that point, because if there is something that I am going to keep emphasizing, it is how successful Bush was domestically. And to me, the most important contribution you can make on the historical side is to help us identify the factual basis associated with all of that. This actually goes into that. Clean Air, ADA, et cetera. What I want to get into a little bit is the rhyme and reason to it. Did you ever figure going in, about where this was coming from, where his priorities were going to be and why? For instance, why ADA? You talked a little bit about abortion and a couple of other things—. This is a President that believes in a set—and it is very much reflected in what George W. It is embodied in what we did in the Clean Air Act, fixing the environment without handcuffing the economy. It is embodied in what we did in the energy bill—deregulating so prices are cut without creating a system that destroys the strength of the energy-producing side of the country. The Clean Air Act fixes a problem while keeping the economy strong. The energy act does the same thing. ADA takes care of a personal need without going so far as to have an unintended consequence associated with it. Same thing with the Civil Rights Act. All of them are designed to solve problems, but have in them a recognition that you can over-empower government and begin to have unintended consequences. Go and fight that the change is taken right to the line and no further. And he took unfinished issues—the Clean Air bill had been hanging there thirteen or fourteen years: Go do it. We can do this, we can make it work, we can meet our own conditions and find a compromise with Congress that meets our agenda and their agenda. He took all these unfinished issues and really brought them to a head and closed. All of them were done with huge Democratic majorities, run by two nice men, Foley and Mitchell, who were the most partisan congressional leaders the country has ever seen. Absolutely partisan. No question in my mind that George Mitchell created an environment that allowed Bill Clinton to win by being so partisan. You remember Jimmy Carter was criticized for being too diffuse, not having priorities. The Reagan people learned from that to do a few things. Did the Bush people have a first year strategy? The first year strategy for the President was to do what had to be done, to take advantage of what was happening in the Soviet Union. That was his absolute first priority. There is no question about that. But on the domestic side, there were two things that were a priority: And number two, start to create the interactions on issues like clean air, like energy deregulation, like the crime bill, like civil rights and ADA, that gets us to the point where we get them passed. We may not pass them this year, but you have to start this year. And we started getting our groups together in the White House and in the departments and the agencies developing those themes. I had many meetings with Reilly trying to define the envelope in which the environmental legislation would be acceptable. Many meetings re-defining the envelope in which the environmental legislation would be acceptable, and then a follow up meeting defining the envelope in which environmental legislation would be acceptable. That was his agenda, and it was clear, and we were trying to do it all at the same time. It was only five words. Yes, business necessity and how you define it, but five words. I mean, 40 pages of legislation and five words is the fight. You ask the question nine times and you get nine slightly same, but slightly different answers, and so you say, Boyden, go up and do it. And so they would say da-da and I would very modestly turn to Thornburgh and say, Dick. I mean, you try and negotiate it. You try awfully hard to do it. And then you pass papers back and forth. But we were negotiating five words. In some sense is that symptomatic of something about the Bush administration, that you people passed a lot of really technically accomplished and sophisticated things that somehow were in some ways perhaps, hard to mesh with the larger presidential agenda? And so that took a lot of time. The amazing thing is that while the Soviet Union is being artfully taken apart, you are putting together the resources that did two things. One, addressed the immediate need of saying this aggression will not stand, and getting Saddam [Hussein] out of Kuwait, and number two, never talked about any more, eliminating forever the post Vietnam syndrome. Where would the world be today with one superpower hobbled by a perception in the world that the country is unwilling or unable to project power? That is the most important single result of the Gulf War; that a single superpower no longer is perceived by every tinhorn in the world as being unable to project power. The world could not function as it is functioning today if there had not been the Gulf War. Domestic performance. Everybody can have a good domestic agenda, not everybody can have good domestic performance. Because as I said, for the election, because it was written by the wusses of Washington, it was run by the wusses of Washington. The Washington Post says the President has no domestic agenda, so they run no ad. I wrote three ads for them describing these domestic accomplishments. They never cut a single ad saying, By the way, this is what George Bush has done domestically. Never cut a single ad and never wrote a presidential speech that talked about that. Because these guys were more concerned about running a campaign that the Washington Post and the New York Times would be proud of, than winning for the President. Excuse me, let me give you one more answer. And the other answer is destiny. Let me explain it. I think I mentioned this last time I was at the Center. Think about who was in charge of the major nations of the world when the Berlin wall came down and think about what happened to every single one of them but one the next time they went either to their party or the ballot box. He won by that much and then he lost. So the point is destiny. They all got Churchilled. One man saves one country and the world by the strength of his personality, So it is partly ineptitude, but ineptitude that made it easy for destiny to be fulfilled. What happens is that people immediately adopt a new political psyche. When a major burden is removed from their shoulders, or their concern, and they wake up thinking about different things the next morning. And frankly, they wake up unprepared to think constructively about the second through twelfth priority when the first priority is immediately removed. They brought me back in to do Ross Perot during the debates, they even brought a pair of ears. They just had their own vision of running this campaign, and all they cared about was being the ones who were running the campaign. This goes back to one of the first questions I asked you, though. Maybe he is not a great strategist himself, he relies on others—. A lot of people have interpreted as saying, Did he want a second term? He wanted a second term badly. He knew in his heart that he had laid a foundation for a lot of things to happen. He wanted that. One of the things about articulation, because this goes back, when you think about the State of the Union address, the first State of the Union Address. This vision thing is crap. What is vision? Vision is best articulated in retrospect. You know, everyone says, Where are the Reagans of today running for President? I can think of some they articulated and never fulfilled because it was BS, and I can think of some that were fulfilled that were understood in the long run. All right, now let me ask you, though. I think one of the problems that Al Gore has is that he does not have good intuitions about what is really worrying people. When he first went to Congress he took a whole bunch of technical issues and rode to town on them. Al Gore is the perfect example of what was wrong with the Bush campaign in View on Instagram. It's unclear if, like Kate Hudson and Cara Delevingne before her, she shaved her head for a role, though, if so, it may be for her lead role as a seriously ill teen in the upcoming Australian comedy Babyteeth. Judging from the handful of Scanlen fan accounts on Instagram, her buzz cut isn't all that new—she's had it at least since mid-February—but that by no means diminished its official debut. February 8, Retrieved April 6, Boston Globe. Retrieved July 3, Archived from the original on 24 July New Hampshire Public Radio. Archived from the original on March 6, Fox News. Sununu Profile". Retrieved November 22, Club for Growth. The Hill. Clean Air Planning Act of ". Renewable Energy World. April 4, Senator Patrick Leahy. September 19, Archived from the original on November 4, NH vs. Washington Values". New Hampshire Union Leader. April 27, The Washington Times. February 17, Retrieved May 19, The Christian Science Monitor. March 15, Political Wire. July 24, Archived from the original on July 15, Minneapolis Star Tribune. PR Newswire. Our rec: As a beginner, though, you may want to stick with something transparent, so that you can visualize the scalp as you shave it, noticing any contours or moles. Warm it up in your palms and apply it with some force. You want to work it into the scalp, says Holmes, to further guarantee comfort and closeness during the shave. And… go! The number-one thing to remember: Take your time. Even then, you may want to invest in a handheld mirror, to more easily visualize the back of your head—whether you hold it up during the shave is a personal preference. You can also shave more easily with a tri-paneled bathroom mirror, positioning them to reflect off one another. Gently pull the skin taut to avoid unnecessary grooves and obstructions..

What he did in the next five or six days, again, was typical George Bush. So they saw that the man that they had met over the past year really was that man and not the man as reported out of Iowa. I think the press talked about it.

We went to a couple of malls, we did town Sununu shaved head, the whole gamut. But it was an effort to just re-convey the warmth of the Vice President to the people who had already met the Vice President. There is authenticity that has permanence—. Besides earning respect for his consistent voting record, Sununu shaved his head in July, to show solidarity with Senator Arlen Specter who lost his hair.

If you'd like, you can start us off, John Sununu, or we would certainly like to hear early today. And he nodded his head and understood immediately that again, investing some of his time and his Hoffman didn't shave as often as she did. The real front-row star at Miu Miu's Sununu shaved head show was Eliza Scanlen, link actress and breakout star of HBO's Sharp Objects, who showed off.

During one of those debates, Senator John Sununu walked by three of my Af- ter shaving his head, he pulled aside David Brog in a hallway one day to tell Sununu shaved head. Naked beautiful pale girls free Sununu shaved head

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